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Cohabiting with new government

THIS week saw the state opening of parliament, that ceremonial occasion which we British do so well, encapsulating the pomp and ceremony and quirky traditions which are unique to our political institutions.

Usually I would join my colleagues in the House of Commons chamber to await the summons from Black Rod who makes the journey from the House of Lords to the House of Commons to inform the members that Her Majesty demands their presence in the upper chamber to hear the royal address; it is usually worth being there just to hear Dennis Skinner's humorous response to what he regards as an establishment insult to the elected house.

This time however, I stayed outside in the lobby, on the advice of an MP who is a master at getting on TV. He told me that the best place to ensure a TV appearance was outside the door of the House of Commons because the cameras focused on Black Rod hammering the door demanding admission. So I duly placed myself in position, though I must say to no avail, since nobody who I spoke to had seen any coverage which included me.

However, the spectacle was worth seeing. Black Rod in all his regalia marched up from the House of Lords. As he approached the House of Commons chamber, the door was slammed in his face. He proceeded to bash it with his three-foot rod which had a metal cap on the end. The noise echoed around the lobby and you almost expected the doorkeeper to open up and tell him off for damaging the paintwork or waking up the members inside. Anyhow, he was admitted and very soon the ministers and members followed him out in scenes reminiscent of the Pied Piper of Hamelin.

The government ministers marched out two by two, one Conservative one Liberal, an unusual sight given their differences and the deep animosities which exist especially at constituency level. However, we in Northern Ireland are aware that sometimes political necessity requires decisions which are not easy to live with, but which cannot be avoided.

No one believes that this is a political marriage based on love. It is a shotgun marriage. One which the in-laws, ie the backbenchers, are already indicating they are not too happy about.

The debate on the Queen's speech is always proposed and seconded by two backbenchers. To use the words of Peter Lilley the Conservative proposer of the motion: "One is usually an old codger on his way out and the other an oily young man on his way up."

He assured the house that the criterion had changed this year, since he was still in mid-career and instead of an oily young man the seconder would be a Lib Dem. Ouch! A joke with a jag and there were many more from both sides.

However, whatever the reservations may be, this coalition is a present day necessity. Voters did not give any party a majority, the country requires stable government and the two parties in question were best able to obtain the votes required to get on with the business of governing the UK at this difficult time.

Of course we would have liked the parliamentary arithmetic to have been such that unionists would have had some more leverage, but that has not happened though I can see times in the future when, given the number of independent-minded Conservative backbenchers and the indiscipline of the Lib Dem backbenchers, David Cameron may need our votes.

In the meantime we will work with this government giving support for sensible and necessary measures while at the same time protecting the interests of Northern Ireland. There is unpleasant medicine to be taken and as we have already seen in the financial cuts announced last week, Ulster will get its share. We will have to swallow it as best we can.

There is a certain irony that Michael McGimpsey has been the one minister who has been kicking and screaming that his department should escape any of the pain, especially since it is his party which has the closest links with the "doctor" who has administered the medicine.

The question I am most frequently asked is can the ConDem – an unfortunate description – coalition last? I think the answer is yes. First of all, most people realise that we are "ConDemned" to tough measures in terms of tax, government spending, cuts and loss of services for the next number of years.

I think they know that people like McGimpsey who will play to the gallery are only political snake-oil pedlars. Secondly, the unpopular decisions which have to be made quickly, are going to make it difficult to go to the electorate without considerable risk. Thirdly, the political ambitions of both Clegg and Cameron mean that they will want to stay in a position where they can exercise power and will make the compromises necessary to do so.

Lastly, never underestimate the attractions of the trappings of power. As one cynic put it to me, with the Lib Dems having got their feet under the ministerial table for the first time in nearly a century, a whole new breed of "limousine liberals" will not be too willing to bring the government down.

If the government can get the support to introduce the 55 per cent vote requirement for a vote of no confidence, then that will make it even more difficult for a crisis, which could lead to the fall of the coalition, to emerge.

I must say I find the fury which has been directed towards this measure rather strange, since the same parties and individuals who rail against it imposed a far more rigorous weighted vote requirement on the Northern Ireland Assembly and in order to keep the coalition government alive in Scotland there is a 65 per cent voting requirement.

The coalition is aiming for a five-year term, a change in the confidence vote requirement will help achieve this but it can be no substitute for working to devise policies which can command the support of a majority in the House of Commons. That must be the first priority since the last thing the country needs at this time of economic crisis is unstable, uncertain and unworkable government.


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Thursday 24 May 2012

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