SDLP hopefuls must reveal unionist outreach strategies
IF there is ever to be a credible alternative to the Sinn Fein-DUP axis of mutual hostility propped up on mutual veto, then it will most probably have to come in the shape of a new working relationship between the UUP and SDLP, or even between the SDLP and DUP: which means that the choice of successor to Mark Durkan is of some importance to unionism.
That choice is between South Belfast MP Alasdair McDonnell and Executive Minister Margaret Ritchie, both of whom have now formally declared their hand and made their leadership pitch. Margaret's was interesting for what it did say, while Alasdair's was interesting for what it didn't.
Margaret spoke of her vision for the SDLP: "We have not yet succeeded in reconciling the people of the north. And we have not achieved our goal of Irish unity. We want a shared future which is actually shared. We have plenty to do, not in dribs and drabs, but full steam ahead towards reconciliation and a truly shared society. Irish unity is nearer when the people of the north are reconciled."
Now, I know that if she wants to win this contest she has to appeal to the greenest wings of the SDLP and send out a message to some of the vote that slipped to Sinn Fein over the last decade. Yet the difficulty with those comments is that they followed on from her promise to "engage meaningfully with the unionist community. Look them in the eye and tell them that they can trust the SDLP and they can trust me".
Yet what basis of trust can there be between unionism and the SDLP when Margaret Ritchie admits that she regards the purpose of a shared future as being that of progressing the Irish unity project? Surely a shared future should be about Northern Ireland and the willingness of the main political parties to govern it on the basis of a mutually-agreed agenda and Programme for Government. Margaret seems, however, to have a view fairly similar to that of Sinn Fein: namely, that the Agreement is a work in progress, with the progress needing to be in a unification direction.
Alasdair, on the other hand, doesn't mention Irish unity by name and nor does he mention unionists. Instead, he says that his leadership would focus on seeing the SDLP "restored to its former position as the leading nationalist party in the north and as the driver of positive political change throughout Ireland". In other words, plough on with the unity project and blame Sinn Fein for rolling over to the DUP and slowing down that project.
By his own admission, Alasdair's approach is about rolling your sleeves up and working hard. He cites his capture of the South Belfast seat as an example of what the SDLP can do if it works hard and pulls together.
But the fact of the matter is that he won that seat because the unionists couldn't produce a candidate who reached beyond their traditional voter base. That seat wasn't lost just because of a split in the unionist vote; it was lost because neither unionist candidate could attract the pro-Union non-voter across the constituency. So even if the DUP and UCUNF and the TUV agreed on a joint candidate next time round, there is no guarantee that the candidate would appeal to the crucial non-voting sector.
Anyway, I digress. The underlying problem for the DUP-Sinn Fein relationship is that they have mutually contradictory interpretations of the purpose and functions of the deal they negotiated at St Andrews in October 2006, as well as fundamentally differing views of the arrangements they cooked up between March and May 2007.
And it's those contradictions which explain the thoroughly dysfunctional nature of the Executive. So instead of having an overarching and complementary vision and strategy for Northern Ireland, accompanied by a Programme for Government to meet the demands and needs of Northern Ireland plc, they have settled for an "us-and-them" approach in which each prioritises the needs of its own core vote, even if it means discomforting the other side.
But if the SDLP under Alasdair or Margaret believes that its role (if it ever again becomes the majority voice of nationalism) is to be pro-active on the Irish unity drive, then any relationship with either the UUP or DUP would be just as tense and problematic as is the present one between the DUP and Sinn Fein. Let's be blunt here: how comfortable, for example, would the UUP be with a shared future strategy which the SDLP regarded as a warm-up exercise for Irish unity? And if the UUP wasn't comfortable then, how would a UUP-SDLP axis be much of an improvement on the chaos and hostility that presently exists between Peter Robinson and Martin McGuinness?
If devolution is ever going to work successfully (and this applies to both mandatory and voluntary coalition) then two things are required: one of which is a change to the mechanics and the introduction of Opposition, real choice at elections, individual accountability, collective responsibility and a much more nuanced and specific agenda for the Programme for Government.
The second is a very serious debate about, and an equally clear understanding of, what is meant by a "shared future"; for like both the Belfast and St Andrews Agreements there is a mountain of contradiction and differing interpretations between the parties. The DUP and Sinn Fein cannot agree on the contents of the Cohesion, Sharing and Integration document. The SDLP sees a shared future as a John the Baptist flag-waving operation for the coming of unity. Most unionists would oppose the view that unionism and republicanism be regarded as equals and accommodated as equals in a strategy which actively prepares for and promotes the supposed inevitability of Irish unity.
Too many unionists seem to think that a fall-off in support for Sinn Fein and the rise of the SDLP would make things much easier. I'm not so sure that is the case. What David Trimble described as the "constructive ambiguity" of the original Agreement has never been resolved; and St Andrews merely ratcheted up the opportunity for naked hostility. So I really would like to hear what Alasdair or Margaret would do in terms of unionist outreach if they become leader next February.
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Tuesday 14 February 2012
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