UUP-Tory pact is good for the Union
The links between the Conservative Party and Ulster Unionism were forged in 1886, at the time of the first Home Rule Bill. The relationship continued for the next century, only ending in January 1986 when, in reaction to the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, the Ulster Unionist Party withdrew its delegates from the National Union Executive Committee. Ironically, it was that withdrawal which paved the way for the campaign which led to the formal recognition of the Northern Ireland Model Conservative As
The relationship between the two parties after 1921 was never an up-close-and-personal one. Yes, Ulster Unionists took the Conservative whip at Westminster until February 1974, but there was often a separate (and often fairly left wing) platform in key socio-economic areas at Stormont, particularly under Labour administrations.
It needs to be remembered, too, that neither Labour nor the Conservatives looked too closely at what was happening in Northern Ireland between 1921 and the mid-1960s. A combination of the Sewell Convention (Westminster left alone matters devolved to Stormont) and not wanting to stir up old "Irish Question" difficulties, meant that successive unionist governments were left to their own devices.
The Conservative-Ulster Unionist relationship was hugely damaged in 1972 when Stormont was prorogued; and the whip was then withdrawn in February 1974 when all the Ulster Unionist MPs were elected on an anti-Sunningdale ticket. There was hope of a rapprochement following Mrs Thatcher's victory in 1979, but her decision to back away from pro-unionist manifesto commitments put new strains on the old alliance. The final break came with the enormous hurt and perceived "betrayal" of the Anglo-Irish Agreement.
So, 23 years later, what has changed? Why have the parties agreed closer cooperation? Well, the UUP and Conservatives have a common agenda in terms of promoting the constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom; and the rise of a variety of "nationalisms" in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and even England, along with the constitution-building exercises within the European Union, has meant that that integrity is under threat.
From the UUP's perspective the Union has always been regarded as a two-way process, with the case best made by way of a pan-UK unionist vehicle. And while it is acknowledged that the Conservatives have "baggage" on Northern Ireland, there is also a recognition that mistakes of the past shouldn't be allowed to stand in the way of building a new and mutually beneficial relationship.
And this will be a new relationship. It won't be the at-arm's-length relationship which existed between 1921 and 1974. The Conservative Party will commit itself to policies for Northern Ireland and Northern Ireland will no longer be regarded or treated as some sort of standalone unit within the United Kingdom.
Both parties will retain their own identities and constitutions, but there will be a new body, a Conservative and Ulster Unionist Joint Committee which will operate by consensus to promote and handle cooperation between the parties. The intention would be to endorse candidates and run joint campaigns based on shared goals, values and manifestos.
Neither party would deny the fact that marketing this new electoral force will be a massive undertaking. It will take time, also, to see if such an electoral vehicle will prove attractive, not only to the core voters of the respective parties, but also to the 175,000 non-voters from the pro-Union electorate, as well as to that 20 per cent of Roman Catholics who are believed to be pro-Union, too. At this stage it is not a partnership of equals in local terms. The Conservative vote in Northern Ireland amounts to less than the total membership of the UUP. There are sensitivities on both sides and give-and-take will be required if the electorate is to be convinced that this really does amount to a sea change in local politics.
Of course, the DUP will attack the project. That’s what political opponents do to each other. I suspect, though, that they will be a little bit rattled by it. There is no need to be. This column has argued for many, many years, that there is room for two mainstream pro-Union parties, reaching out and attracting their own votes: and in maximising their own target they can, together, maximise the overall pro-Union vote.
Parties exist to fight elections. And the simple fact of the matter is that there is a significant section of the DUP core vote and of the UUP core vote which will not vote (or even transfer) to the other party. In other words, there is absolutely no guarantee that an agreed candidate in South Belfast or Fermanagh/South Tyrone would topple the incumbent SDLP and Sinn Fein MPs. Indeed, the DUP rose from the ranks of electoral obscurity by virtue of its willingness to take on the then dominant UUP in a wide variety of seats.
Other parties will attack the project on the basis that the Conservative Party has no interest in the “working classes” and that the UUP is deserting part of its core vote. Let’s face it, no local party trapped in a mandatory coalition and dependent on an annual cheque from the UK Exchequer is going to be able to do very much for deprived areas across Northern Ireland. The Conservatives are no longer the party they were a generation ago. This is a party which talks of fixing the “broken society”, a party which has shifted very much to the centre ground of politics. There is probably more chance of an Ulster Unionist-Conservative alliance being able to make a significant response to local deprivation, than there is of the UUP alone.
In the end, however, the whole project will be judged by its ability to invent and then build a genuinely new political and electoral platform across Northern Ireland. If devolution is to make a difference then part of that difference will lie in offering the electorate a credible alternative, while, at the same time, reassuring them that the Union secures and promotes their long-term interests.
This is a genuinely exciting development in local and national politics albeit one that carries risks for both parties. But as a unionist, in every sense of that term, I believe that a healthy, constructive, carefully balanced relationship between the UUP and the Conservatives will be good for the Union, Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom. David Cameron still has a lot to prove and much convincing to do, but this project suggests that he is, at least, on the right path.
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Sunday 12 February 2012
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