Even a sheepish line or two about a united Ireland by 2016 was permitted on such an occasion.
Positive comments were made about the DUP leader, presumably designed to be awkward. A motion as partitionist as anyone could imagine seeking to appoint
two party presidents – one for each part of the island – was not adopted.
The tell-tale signs of an upcoming Sinn Fein gathering had been in the ether for weeks: the Mairead Farrell commemoration, attacking symbols in Limavady and Banbridge, Martin McGuinness talking about killing even more soldiers than everyone already assumed he had.
Much of the bombast was designed to disguise Sinn Fein's failure to deliver what they promised their own members.
Last year, they obtained a mandate to support policing "only when the power-sharing institutions are established and when the Ard Chomhairle is satisfied that the policing and justice powers will be transferred".
The speeches from senior figures demanded the devolution of policing and justice functions as if there was some genuine deadline for it.
No matter how much Sinn Fein try to hype it up, there is no onus on the DUP to agree the devolution of these powers at any particular point.
ConsistentlyThis was made absolutely clear to all who would listen at the time of the St Andrews talks and consistently thereafter.
The statement by Dr Paisley at the close of the St Andrews talks stated: "There is no definitive date for the devolution of policing and justice powers.
"We remain of the unshakable view that those powers can only be transferred whenever there is the required community confidence."
Martin McGuinness seemed to take comfort from and find it newsworthy that a senior DUP figure indicated recently the DUP would deliver on its St Andrews commitments on policing.
Clearly McGuinness doesn't get it, because St Andrews didn't commit the DUP to any date. While Sinn Fein may well have wanted policing and justice powers badly by May of this year, they were unable to achieve it in negotiations.
In the same way that republicans were certain they would obtain Irish language legislation, they were wrong. The shoe today is on the other foot.
Back in 1998, unionists were criticised for not tying down commitments on decommissioning and the release of terrorist prisoners. Many rank and file unionists imagined Sinn Fein had unsurpassed negotiators.
However, the reality since St Andrews is that it was Sinn Fein who failed to nail down their demands.
No matter how hard Sinn Fein argue that May is a deadline, it's not. There's nothing in the St Andrews Agreement or subsequent legislation to tie the DUP.
The Northern Ireland (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act grants the First Minister a veto. Indeed, there's a triple lock.
Cross-communityDuring the passage of that legislation, former NIO minister David Hanson stated in the Commons: "It has always been the Government's position that policing and justice can be devolved on a sustainable basis only with broad cross-community support.
"It is our view that the support of the majority of sections of the community in Northern Ireland is essential if the devolution of policing and justice is to succeed.
"The Assembly motion asking the Secretary of State to do that must be tabled by the First Minister.
"The motion should receive support in Assembly from a majority of designated unionists.
"Having listened to the discussion, it is self-evident that unless the Assembly has that support, it is not worth considering forcing devolution on it."
During a subsequent debate on the St Andrews legislation, Hanson said of policing powers: "Devolution cannot happen until the Assembly passes a resolution, with a cross-community vote requesting it. I put that on the record."
When asked by Liberal Democrat Lembit Opik "Is it theoretically possible for a Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to establish a functioning Department if the Assembly does not support that or has major doubts about it?"
Hanson said: "No, it is not the intention – nor is the power available to the Government – to do that."
Even Shaun Woodward conceded in his New Year message: "It is for the parties to decide when the time is right."
So the NIO can go ahead and produce all the draft legislation they want. It doesn't change the veto the DUP has obtained.
It is difficult enough for the new devolved government to bed down without the early extra burden of highly contentious policing powers.
The focus should be on getting on with governing successfully and republicans demonstrating in the clearest possible terms their commitment at a practical grassroots level to the rule of law.
That is how community confidence can be boosted that could permit the eventual transfer at some point.
While it would seem foolish for republicans to accept the outlandish boasts and rhetoric of the Sinn Fein leadership when playing to their base and not see through them, it would be even more foolish for unionists to fall into the trap of believing them.
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