We know we need devolved government here. Together we can all make a difference. I want to see stable government which gives confidence to the entire business community. I want to see a future marked by opportunity and prosperity."
Any ideas of the source? What about if I confirmed it ended, "for all of us". Yes – the UUP Party election broadcast for the Assembly election in March.
It closes with Reg Empey saying: "It's time to concentrate on the everyday issues that matter to all of us. That means standing up for Northern Ireland by securing devolved government.
"We cannot be mere spectators in our own country. This election is about choosing a government for Northern Ireland. The task of that government is to govern.
"The Ulster Unionist Party believes that as a community we are now ready for a regional government of our own. It is time (pointing to Parliament Buildings) to make this place work."
The UUP manifesto for that March election stated: "In November 2003 the people of Northern Ireland elected an Assembly to govern. Nothing happened.
"The Ulster Unionist Party is ready to make the most of the opportunities for everyone in Northern Ireland. We are the only party prepared to pledge to you, the voters, that we will take our seats in government and govern for the good of Northern Ireland. Join with us in making Stormont work – for all of us. You want a government that works."
Not content to stop there, the UUP leader went even further later in the campaign. On the eve of the election in a press statement entitled The People want Stormont to Work, the UUP leader said: "This election is about taking responsibility. It's about ensuring that the people of Northern Ireland are no longer spectators in their own country. That's our core message – we want normal politics here to work.
"They (DUP) cannot say with absolute clarity that they will go into government. With the Ulster Unionist Party there are no excuses, ambiguity or confusion. The people of Northern Ireland know where we stand – we intend to take those seats in the Executive to which we are entitled on March 26. The Union itself could be under threat if we don't grasp the opportunity to make Stormont work – and we're committed to grasping it before the opportunity is lost. For all of Us."
In the end, rather than being 'for all of us', when the ballot boxes were open the UUP approach turned out to be for not that many at all.
That level of support will decline even more rapidly if, in their confusion, the UUP continue to display reluctance to govern and take the hard decisions. Government was never going to be easy. If it was a case of sitting back and simply signing cheques and never having to refuse anyone anything, we wouldn't need Ministers. Anyone could do it. The UUP appears to have difficulty coming to terms with devolution, where much more is demanded of public representatives than merely calling for more money. All Ministers are required to prioritise and make sometimes difficult choices.
The current approach adopted by both the SDLP and the Ulster Unionist Party is undoubtedly confusing their core supporters. The SDLP leader used to become quite exercised about what he termed the "problem parties". Little did his voters expect that he and his colleagues would seek to stymie efforts to establish a Programme for Government. In many ways it is encouraging that those who championed the mandatory coalition are now finally recognising its weaknesses, though in the interim the electorate may feel they are entitled to more responsible behaviour from some of those governing them.
My party has recognised the D'Hondt system as flawed from the outset and that it was only ever capable of providing a transitional arrangement.
Consequently, a motion is being tabled by the DUP calling on the Assembly and Executive Review Committee to bring proposals for moving away from the temporary mandatory coalition to a more normal form of government at the earliest opportunity. I trust that the apparent support for such a move being indicated at present by other parties will be forthcoming when the motion reaches the floor.
Some parties actually opposed the formation of the Review Committee, but then again these were the same parties who imagined the old Belfast Agreement was sacrosanct and not a comma or letter of it could ever be changed. Fundamental legislative change that saw the Northern Ireland Act rewritten may have caused them to review their thinking.
Let's stop and consider for a moment why anyone would have stuck by the UUP, through thick and thin and even thinner, and continued to vote for them up to this point despite the attraction of voting DUP for an improved deal for unionism.
A large part of it clearly must have been what the UUP campaigned on earlier this year – that they were dedicated to making government work in Northern Ireland. Many of us of course would say they were seen to be too dedicated at times, when events dictated they should have left the old Executive.
What must those long-suffering UUP voters make of their recent antics? The one argument the UUP had – that they could govern responsibly – they are determined to abandon it too.
It is difficult to understand if this is merely an attempt to fend off the wolves at the door within the UUP Assembly group but it's certainly not likely to do the party any electoral favours in the long-term. It's difficult to look beyond their approach simply being sour grapes because they are no longer the major parties in the Executive, that they don't want to play if they can't be Roy of the Rovers.
Last week on Hearts and Minds, we had the comical sight of UUP Assembly member David McNarry shaking his head and denying that his party was in the Executive. He rails against what he terms control-freakery within the Executive. Perhaps a little control-freakery is just what his party needs. His leader is undermined almost daily by members of own party assembly Group.
They followed the Alliance Party into the lobbies to vote against the draft Programme for Government developed by the two UUP Ministers. Their amateurish approach to devolution cannot be sustained. Leadership is required. Health and Employment and Learning are too serious to be left to Ministers who are half-hearted about governing.
The holistic success of Northern Ireland plc must be our goal right across government, rather than self-servingly focusing only on those Departments under your control. With the Union secure, republicans forced to support policing and the rule of law and give up their weapons, and more and more Sinn Fein Assembly members and councillors turning their backs on the party, unionists want responsible leadership from their political representatives.