Split decisions over vote
IT was a side to Martin McGuinness that Reg Empey says he had not seen before.
"He told us to 'get out'," recalled the Ulster Unionist leader, pointing at the door in the way that he says the Deputy First Minister did after the three-minute meeting between him and four UUP MLAs broke up.
Previous meetings between Sir Reg and Mr McGuinness had been courteous.
"I have to say that I have found him over the years always relatively easy to do business with," said the UUP leader. "But he completely lost it on Monday."
Monday's meeting at Stormont, like previous encounters, had started civilly.
"We came into his room, shook hands (the pair had first shaken hands many years before, in 1996 talks), he invited us to sit down, we did," said Sir Reg.
The meeting on Monday late afternoon had been called at the suggestion of First Minister Peter Robinson, who had just met the Ulster Unionists to see if they could do anything to get the UUP to support the devolution of policing and justice vote the following day.
The UUP said that Sinn Fein were refusing to move on key issues, primarily that government at Stormont operate as "a genuine four-party coalition".
Sinn Fein disputes what the UUP say happened at the meeting. But according to Sir Reg, Danny Kennedy said that Sinn Fein comments at the weekend Ard Fheis that they had three days to sort it out had gone down like "a lead balloon".
"This seemed to provoke him," said Sir Reg, triggering an exchange in which the Deputy First Minister accused them of being an anti-agreement party.
Fred Cobain "robustly" said they had not come there to be lectured.
According to Sinn Fein, Mr McGuinness facilitated a meeting at UUP's request, and early in the meeting "Fred Cobain stated that he wasn't at the meeting to listen to anything the Deputy First Minister wanted to say".
Mr McGuinness "pointed out that if that was the case there was little point in Mr Cobain continuing to be there". At that point Mr Cobain left, "followed in dribs and drabs by his party colleagues".
Whatever happened in that room in Parliament Buildings on Monday, it came at a time when tensions were raised among all the key players.
The UUP was about to hold an evening meeting of its party executive to finalise how they would vote on Tuesday's motion.
For Sinn Fein, its cherished goal of taking power for policing and justice away from London was tantalisingly close.
The DUP were anxious that all of their MLAs should back the leadership's position, to avoid any impression of a split.
Yet looking back at events running up to the vote, Nigel Dodds, the DUP deputy leader, insisted that the party was calm, and its position settled.
"There was no sense of crisis for us over the weekend," he said.
When the party's MLAs met at their weekly Assembly group on Monday at 11am, they were confident enough to discuss other key issues in addition to the vote.
"People were in very good form because what was coming back clearly over the weekend was that people on the ground were saying that they were reassured by safeguards," said Mr Dodds.
The main safeguard being that Sinn Fein could not take the policing and justice ministry without unionist support – something unionists will never give, he said.
"Or certainly the DUP will never give it."
Peter Robinson had "fired off a letter to Sir Reg in relation to issues he had raised about the working of the executive, reassuring him we would be happy to agree some of his propositions".
These propositions included the UUP wish that three ministers could veto something, rather than the current system where a majority in the executive can veto something.
"We didn't need Sinn Fein because we could implement it, for example the desire that any three ministers could veto executive business."
In other words, the DUP would insist on UUP support if the latter felt there was a need for consensus in a particular area.
Sir Reg appreciated this gesture, but said the UUP "would be at the grace and favour of the DUP".
It was not the same as agreeing to change the rules so Government was run as "a genuine coalition".
Mr Dodds claimed that it became apparent to the DUP that the UUP wanted to vote against for tactical party reasons, and so it did not feel the need to wait for UUP backing.
and so on Monday night, while the UUP executive was meeting at the Hilton in Templepatrick to make a final decision, the DUP executive was doing likewise at the La Mon hotel in the Castlereagh hills.
Mr Dodds chaired the meeting in the absence of Maurice Morrow, the party chairman. Mr Morrow has been seen as a sceptic, but Mr Dodds insisted that his absence was because of other duties.
"There was a large turnout, people were in good spirits, they voiced support for the accord and what Peter and the negotiating team had done."
Executive members reported back on meetings and consultations with members, which was in line with what MLAs had reported: that there was little opposition to the transfer.
Mr Dodds said there was no need for a division at the end of the executive meeting, there was "not one negative speech".
When the News Letter asked if that was really so, Mr Dodds replied: "Like any organisation, the DUP has different views, but we have been united through this whole process."
The News Letter has spoken to other people present at Monday's meeting at La Mon who also insisted that it was largely without dissent.
But if the DUP high command was happy, a former defector from the party – Jim Allister – was not.
"I anticipated the DUP would roll over in the end," said the founder and leader of the Traditional Unionist Voice.
Last Thursday he sensed that Peter Robinson was hinting that the DUP would support the transfer on their own, without the Ulster Unionist support that they had previously said was a pre-requisite.
"Then there was the Tsunami of pressure on Ulster Unionists," he said.
"I do commend them for having the strength of character and self-respect to withstand that. I can only hope it continues."
On Friday night, Mr Allister was speaking at a TUV dinner at the Corick House Hotel between Augher and Clogher in Co Tyrone, attended by around 80 guests.
"People were pretty appalled, they could see where people were moving."
The evening included a fundraising auction, where one item sold was a framed collage of UDR and RIR men murdered by republicans in Fermanagh.
Mr Allister recalled: "One man said he knew each of the victims. He said: 'did these men die so that those who killed them could have control of policing and justice?'"
Over the weekend, pressure was mounting on Sir Reg to back the deal.
His MLAs had spent the day at Templepatrick discussing their position, and already there was anger at the attitude of Shaun Woodward, the Secretary of State, who had been lobbying hard and publicly for everyone to support Hillsborough.
"This has gone on for months and months," said Sir Reg.
By Friday UUP MLAs were angry with Mr Woodward. By Monday they were "really angry" following Mr Woodward's references to sending a message to the republican killers of Stephen Carroll.
A Tory source said: "It is hard to think of a better strategy for forcing the Ulster Unionists to vote no."
On Sunday, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton phoned Sir Reg, asking for an update.
"She is not an arm-twisting type, she is a consummate politician, genuinely interested and wants to be helpful," Sir Reg said.
He outlined the principal UUP concerns: their exclusion from the negotiations and the "dysfunctional" nature of the Stormont government.
"Americans know if you want to do a deal, it has to be as inclusive as possible."
But however polite she was, Mrs Clinton's wishes must have been plain.
And there was further pressure to come. Later on Sunday, the NIO cited poll findings – the accuracy of which are hotly disputed – apparently showing widespread UUP support for devolution of policing and justice.
Then it emerged that former President George W Bush had phoned David Cameron, asking if the Tory leader could influence the UUP.
The call had been made a few days earlier on Friday. A senior Tory source, who had swiftly been informed of the intervention, said: "It did come a little bit unexpected. As far as I know, Bush hasn't played much of an active role in anything since he left office."
But on Monday morning, UUP MLAs were entrenched in their feeling that they were doing the right thing and would vote no.
At lunchtime, after the policing and justice debate had begun, Gordon Brown called.
The Prime Minister was "civilised, very anxious we support it, asking if there was anything he could do".
Sir Reg also spoke to David Cameron ahead of the vote.
According to both Sir Reg, and a Tory source who was in London with Mr Cameron at the time of the call, it was a "perfectly amicable" call, lasting five or ten minutes.
In a few days, Sir Reg had been cajoled by a former American president, the US Secretary of State, the British Prime Minister, the leader of Her Majesty's opposition, Northern Ireland's First Minister and Deputy First Minister. Only the latter had been a difficult exchange.
But when the vote was read out at around 5pm, and the clerks announced 17 no votes, it was clear that out of 18 Ulster Unionist MLAs, all had voted no with the exception of Robert Coulter who was in London receiving an MBE.
All DUP had voted yes, minus Willie Hay, the speaker and Willie McCrea who was at a funeral.
Nigel Dodds looked up to the press gallery.
"They came looking for a story on a DUP split and ended up with a story of a UUP split with the Tories," the North Belfast MP and MLA recounted, with satisfaction.
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Tuesday 14 February 2012
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