DUP MLA Peter Weir insists power-sharing is delivering for unionists and the country as a whole.

TUV leader Jim Allister argues that it is a travesty for local democracy.

Peter Weir - North Down DUP MLA
Making Stormont work for benefit of unionism

"No reasonable observer could deny that a year of devolution has brought significant advantages to the pro-unionist community in Northern Ireland.
When we are attempting to assess where we are at this present time, it is important to examine where we have come from. Just over a year ago, our community was confronted by a Direct Rule administration that was openly hostile to our interests and determined to impose a range of measures detrimental to our position within the United Kingdom.

In a recent television interview, Jim Allister said that he preferred "British Direct Rule" to the devolution which we have at the present time. What Jim Allister didn't say is what a continuation of Direct Rule would have meant for Ulster.

We would have seen the imposition of an obtrusive and all-encompassing Irish Language Act that would have placed Irish on a par with English. Under the terms of this Act, local councils would have been required to draw up Irish language schemes and an Irish Language Commissioner would have been established with the power to drag councils through legal mechanisms if they didn't do enough to promote Irish.

But thanks to devolution, which Mr Allister opposed, DUP Minister Edwin Poots was able to confine this key republican demand, which had been granted by the Direct Rulers, to the dustbin.

Never during the period of Direct Rule do I recall Irish cultural activists taking to the streets to protest that they weren't getting enough cash or support from the Government.

Not only have the DUP trashed the concept of an Irish Language Act but we have also advanced the interests of our own community. We have closed the funding gap between Irish and Ulster-Scots and been the principal driver behind the new compensation arrangements for Orange halls.

Delivery for the Loyal Orders is a long-standing DUP commitment. Through the reform of Community Festivals funding we have ensured an increase in funding for Loyal Order cultural activities.

And Arlene Foster, at the Department of the Environment, has presided over the ongoing Review of Public Administration and has introduced protections for unionist minority communities in the west of the Province in the new council arrangements.

The establishment of devolution has also secured the position of academic selection, ensuring our excellent grammar school system will not be destroyed, as proposed under Direct Rule.

I acknowledge that there have been things that have happened which have caused concern to unionists.
I and my party have no love of Sinn Fein and the very sight of them up at Stormont is hard for people to stomach, but the truth of the situation is that the best way unionist interests can be protected is through using the devolved institutions to push our own agenda and to sabotage theirs.

A cost-benefit analysis of the last 12 months would show that it is unionism that has undoubtedly come out on top. Even Sinn Fein MLAs have acknowledged that unionism is in charge up at Stormont.

A return to Direct Rule is a return to Anglo-Irish rule, where unionists are left standing idly by on the sidelines whilst republican demands are acceded to and we are powerless to stop it. No amount of vitriolic speechifying against fellow-unionists will alter that reality.

Instead of standing outside Stormont protesting, we are inside the building running the country and delivering real and tangible benefits to our community. That is the positive work which the DUP is engaged in – making Stormont work for the benefit of unionists."



Jim Allister - TUV leader
Government built on the corruption of democracy

"Courtesy of Belfast Agreement devolution, we have seen a serious degradation in democratic values and principles in Northern Ireland.
A young man can be murdered by the South Armagh IRA and his killers' political wing continues unscathed in government, while those who once made careers out of their toughness on IRA/Sinn Fein are tellingly mute.

Alas, it is now more important to cling to office than oppose the obscenity of a party in government with both a military wing and an Army Council. What's the death of Paul Quinn compared to the riches of joint government with IRA/Sinn Fein?

Of course, it should be no surprise that Belfast Agreement devolution doesn't even blush at murder, because it is built on the corruption of decency and democracy. The monstrosity of "mandatory coalition" emasculates basic democratic practices, like the right to vote a party out of office or even to have an Opposition.

So don't be surprised when murder, like the Northern Bank robbery, becomes a mere local difficulty.Much was promised, but a year into devolution what benefits have we seen?

After 30 years of neglect under Direct Rule, it may come as a surprise to some that we haven't seen a single piece of novel or substantive legislation pass through Stormont. Indeed, we've seen some spectacular examples of dysfunctionalism.

Consider the debacle over the long promised Victims' Commissioner. Unable to agree, we are to get, at enhanced expense, a dollies mixture commission, but, most critical of all, they are to persist with the offensive Direct Rule definition of victim, which equates the terrorist bomber with his victim.

The DUP tell us they control Stormont, so why is this not being changed? Because of the Sinn Fein veto, of course. So, just like under Direct Rule, Michelle Williamson has identical status to Kelly, the Shankill bomber who made her a victim! Is this what delivering for victims looks like?

But it's comforting to see devolution has brought such certainty and stability to education and isn't it wonderful not to have to pay water charges. Sorry, I'm reading what it says on the tin, not what we've actually got. Our education system is in chaos!

And, we're going to pay for our water after all. Whatever happened to the huge financial package the DUP promised, as the pre-requisite to devolution, that would save us from such charges? Like Sinn Fein's support for policing and the rule of law it was more hype than reality.
But, haven't we been saved from the dreaded Irish Language Act?

Those who fondly think so should take a look at Section 28D of the Northern Ireland Act – an amendment inserted by the St Andrews Bill, if you please – which places a statutory duty on the Executive to "adopt a strategy setting out how it proposes to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language".

Also, don't forget the upcoming Bill of Rights which may well enunciate linguistic rights and which will be immune from any Assembly veto.
On daily issues of importance to ordinary citizens I can't say the Assembly has brought great benefit. Take our hard-pressed fishing sector, ravaged by quota cuts and soaring fuel costs.

They pleaded for help and with a response that would have done Lord Rooker proud, all Minister Gildernew would come up with was £276 per boat, even though EU rules allow her to pay 7,500 euros. Likewise in farming, where the all-island agenda seems more important than anything else.

And, then, what of the quality of government? With our bloated coterie of 16 ministers, it's hard to imagine something worthwhile hasn't been achieved – like a cap on manufacturing rates – but, frankly, as a senior foreign journalist, who recently visited Stormont, observed, the performance there is often amateurish.

I won't pretend to be impressed by many of our ministers and committee chairmen, right from the top down. Poor as many Direct Rule ministers were, at least most could read out the right answer to the question asked and few floundered in the farce of "minded decisions"!"