Ciarán Ó Coigligh: It is wrong to use GAA to push a republican agenda

(Scroll down for an Irish language translation of this article by Dr Ó Coigligh)

In that letter they called on the Irish government to initiate a campaign for the reunification of the island of Ireland.

They also asked the Gaels of Connacht, Leinster, and Munster to sign the letter online.

“We write to you as Gaels ... involved in Gaelic Games,” they say.

As someone who is immersed in Gaelic culture I wish to offer an alternative perspective to that letter.

The word ‘Gael’ is ambiguous and can mean ‘an Irishman/Irishwoman, a Scottish Highlander or a Catholic’.

The converse of ‘Gael’ is ‘Gall’, which historically meant ‘a foreigner who speaks a foreign language and practices foreign habits’, also pejoratively refers to a Protestant.

Does use of the word ‘Gael’ indicate a wish to distinguish between those who consider themselves native Irish and those whom they consider foreign?

Is it credible that the 12,000 individuals who have signed this bilingual letter are Irish-Gaelic speakers? Other than being people who ‘are involved in Gaelic games’, it is not clear what it is that has brought them together. It is noticeable, however, that their vocabulary and demands reflect clearly those of militant separatist republicanism.

Reference to ‘Northern Ireland’ and ‘the Republic of Ireland’ is avoided, suggesting that the author(s) do not recognise the legitimacy of either state.

‘As Irish citizens, we believe that the future prosperity and well-being of all citizens on our island will be best upheld living in equality together in an agreed shared Ireland.’

What of British citizens, including unionist Catholics and Protestant unionist loyalists? Many from a Catholic nationalist background believe that their ‘well-being’ will be best upheld within the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth. These Catholic unionists believe that the citizens of the Republic of Ireland should be encouraged to re-join the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth.

‘Conversations…regarding what shape our island will take in the coming period…are…happening at every level amongst the GAA community.’

I have never heard such ‘conversations’ in my own clubs, Erin’s Isle Oileáin Éireann and Scoil Uí Chonaill, where my family and I have played and mentored hurling and Gaelic football for generations. Polls show that a unitary state on the island of Ireland is not amongst the priorities of the people of the Republic of Ireland.

‘We want the Irish government to take the lead in planning these discussions and planning for the future.’

There is no shared view on the future of Northern Ireland or the Republic of Ireland and certainly no consensus on the island that the government of the Republic of Ireland should ‘take the lead in planning these discussions and planning for the future.’

‘We are asking the government to establish an All-Island Citizens Assembly reflecting the views of citizens North and South to achieve maximum consensus on a way forward.’

There is overwhelming evidence, in the Republic of Ireland, that Citizens’ Assemblies, so called, are nothing more that flags of convenience for the promotion of partisan ideologically driven agendas.

‘Gaels are uniquely well-placed at the very heart of local communities to contribute constructively to the conversation on the future of this Island.’

The arrogance of this statement is as breath-taking as the belittling of non-Gaels is reprehensible.

‘We want to encourage citizens from all traditions to be part of this discussion.’ The myopic focus on the Gaels gives the lie to this hollow claim. 
‘It is the responsibility of the Irish government to ensure that the democratic rights of all citizens are respected and protected, regardless of where they live on the island.’

There is no acknowledgement of the responsibility of the British government to ensure that the democratic rights of all British citizens are respected and protected, regardless of where they live on the island of Ireland.

The results of a series of recent referendums in the Republic of Ireland have convinced practicing Catholics in Northern Ireland and indeed in the Republic that their religious beliefs and practices would be better affirmed and protected in the UK than in the European-Union-dominated Republic of Ireland.

‘We urge you to start this process, based on the vision of democratic change set out in the Good Friday Agreement. The planning needs to start now.’

There is nothing in the Belfast Good Friday Agreement which supports unilateral action on the part of the government of the Republic of Ireland to undermine the status of Northern Ireland.

Such planning is misguided and can only alienate Protestant unionist loyalist people from the GAA and indeed Catholic unionists in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland who support the status of Northern Ireland as an integral part of the United Kingdom.

‘We are committed to playing our part.’

In God’s name, I call on you, and the Administration of the Gaelic Athletic Association, to confine yourselves to ‘playing [your] part’ in the promotion of Gaelic games and in transforming the Gaelic Athletic Association into a truly non-sectarian non-political organisation which nationalists and unionists can support.

• Dr Ciarán Ó Coigligh, a member of the Democratic Unionist Party and a life-long player and promoter of Gaelic games responds to Ulster Gaels politicisation of GAA membership and support. He is the author of ‘Aontroim Abú’ (Cion, Coiscéim, 1991: 32) and ‘Naomh Mearnóg Cumann Lúthchleas Gael’ (Foilseacháin Ábhair Spioradálta, 2004: 9), poems which celebrate the Antrim Senior Hurling Team’s heroic display in the 1989 All-Ireland Final, and the 21th anniversary of the founding of a local County Dublin GAA Club in Portmarnock

• Irish language version of this article:

Tá ‘Gaeil Uladh Ulster Gaels’ dá mhaíomh go bhfui tuilleadh agus 12,000 duine tar éis a litir dhá-theangach chuig Taoiseach Phoblacht na hÉireann a shíniú. Tá siad anois ag iarraidh ar Ghaeil Chonnacht, Laighean, agus na Mumhan an litir a shíniú.

‘Tá muid ag scríobh chugat mar Ghaeil atá páirteach i gcluichí Gaelacha’, deir siad. Tá an focal ‘Gael’ dé-bhríoch agus tig leis ‘Éireannach, Garbh-chríochach Albanach nó Caitliceach’ a chur i gcéill. Tá malairt chéille ag ‘Gall’ a chiallaigh ‘coimhthíoch a labhraíos teanga strainséartha agus a chleachtas gnásanna strainséartha. Is focal maslach ar Phrotastún é freisin.

An mbaintear gaisneas as an bhfocal ‘Gael’ d’aon oghaim le h-aghaidh idir-dhealú a dhéanamh eatarthu siúd a thugas cáilíocht Éireannach dóibh féin agus iad siúd eile a dtugann siad cáilíocht coimhthíoch dóibh?

An bhfuil sé in-chreidte gur cainteoirí Gaeilge an 12,000 a shínigh an litir dhá-theangach seo? Fág as gur ‘mar Ghaeil atá páirteach i gcluichí Gaelacha’, ní léir céard a thug an grúpa seo le chéile. Tá sé suntasach, ámh, gur scáthán a gcuid focla agus éileamh orthu siúd de chuid an Phoblachtachais scarúnaigh.

Seachnaítear trácht ar ‘Thuaisceart Éireann’ agus ar ‘Phoblacht na hÉireann’, rud a Thabharfadh le fios do roinnt daoine nach dtugann úda(i)r na litreach aitheantas do dhlisteanacht ceachtar den dá stát.

‘Mar shaoránaigh is mar Ghaeil, creideann muid go gcuirfear le rath agus le folláine mhuintir an oileáin seo agus iad ag maireachtáil le chéile go cothrom in Éirinn atá (sic) comhaontaithe agus comhroinnte.’

Tá gach gné den [t]sochaí ag mac[h]namh ar an chuma a bheidh ar ár n-oileán san am atá amach romhainn. Ina theannta sin, tá pobal CLG ag plé na ceiste seo go forleath[a]n.’

Níor airigh mise riamh ‘comhráite’ dá leithéidí i mo chuid clubanna féin, Oileán Éireann agus Scoil Uí Chonaill, áit ar imir mise agus mo chomhluadar iomáint agus peil Ghaelach agus ar ghníomhaigh muid i gcáilíocht meantóirí leis na glúnta. Léiríonn pobal-bhreitheanna nach bhfuil stát aonadach ar oileán na hÉireann i measc thosaíochtaí mhuintir Phoblacht na hÉireann ná mhuintir Thuaisceart Éireann.

‘Tá muid ag iarraidh go rachaidh Rialtas na hÉireann i gceannas ar phleanáil na ndíospóireachtaí seo agus ar phleanáil na todhchaí.’

Níl aon leagan amach aontaithe ar a bhfuil i ndán do Thuaisceart Éireann ná do Phoblacht na hÉireann agus go h-áirithe níl aon chomh-réiteach ar oileán na hÉireann go mba cheart do ‘Rialtas na hEireann’ a ghabháil ‘i gceannas ar phleanail na ndíospóireachtaí seo agus ar phleanáil na todhchaí.’

‘Iarrann muid ar an Rialtas Tionól Saoránach Uile-Oileánda a bhunú ag léiriú radharcanna na saoránach, Thuaidh agus Theas, le comhaontú láidir a bhaint amach maidir leis an bhealach chun tosaigh.’

Tá fianaise as cuimse, i bPoblacht na hÉireann, nach bhfuil i dTionóil Saoránach, mar dhóigh de, ach folach a náire ag dreamanna le h-aghaidh cláir chlaonta a bhfuil tiomantas ídé-eolaíoch fúthu a chothú.

‘Tá áit faoi leith ag na Gaeil agus iad i gcroílár na bpobal le cur go tairbheach leis an chomhrá ar thodhchaí an oileáin seo.’

Bhainfeadh dánacht an ráitis seo an anáil de dhuine, gan trácht ar an mbeag is fiú náireach a dhéantar díobh siúd nach Gaeil iad.

‘Ba mhaith linn saoránaigh ó ghach traidisiún a spreagadh le bheith páirteach sa phlé seo.’

Léiríonn an aird ghearr-bhreathnaíoch ar Ghaeil nach fíor don ráiteas seo.

‘Tá sé de dhualgas ar Rialtas na hÉireann le cinntiú (sic) go bhfuil meas taispeánta agus cosaint déanta ar chearta daonlatha (sic) gach saoránaigh, beag beann ar cibé áit ina bhfuil siad ina gcónaí ar an oileán.’

Ní admhaítear an fhreagracht atá ar Rialtas na Breataine Móire a chinntiú go dtugtar ómós agus cosaint do chearta na saoránach Briotanach uilig, is cuma cén áit ar oileán na hÉireann a bhfuil cónaí orthu.

Torthaí sraith reifreann, i bPoblacht na hÉireann, le deireanas, chuir siad ar a súile do Chaitlicigh chráifeacha Thuaisceart Éireann agus go deimhin do Chaitlicigh na Poblachta go mb’fhearr a dhearbhófaí agus a chosnófaí a gcreideamh agus a gcleachtadh reiligiúnach sa Ríocht Aontaithe ná i

Pobacht na hÉireann agus í faoi bhois an chait ag an gComh-phobal Eorpach.

‘Impíonn muid ort tús a chur leis an phróiséas seo, bunaithe ar fhís an athrú daonlathaigh (sic) atá curtha síos i gComhaontú Aoine an Chéasta. Ní mór an phleanáil toiseacht (sic) anois.’

Níl tada i gComh-Aontas Aoine an Chéasta Bhéal Feirste a thacaíos le gníomhaíocht aon-taobhach ó thaobh Rialtas Phoblacht na hÉireann le stádas Thuaisceart Éireann a chur de dhroim seoil.

Níl aon chiall le pleanáil den tsórt agus ní dhéanfaidh sí ach an pobal Protastúnach Aontachtach Dílseach agus aontachtaithe Caitliceacha Thuaisceart Éireann agus Phoblacht na hÉireann a thacaíos le stáda Thuaisceart Éireann mar chuid dhílis den Ríocht Aontaithe a scoitheadh amach ó Chumann

Lúth-Chleas Gael.

‘Tá muidne tiomanta ár bpáirt a imirt.’

In ainm Dé, iarraim-se oraibh-se agus ar Fheidhmeannas Chumann Lúth-Chleas Gael bhur gcion a dhéanamh leis na cluichí Gaelacha a chothú agus féachaint le Cumann Lúth-chleas Gael a chlaochlú ina eagras neamh-sheicteah neamh-pholaitiúil a bhféadfaidh náisiúnaithe agus aontachtaithe tacú

leis.

• An Dr Ciarán Ó Coigligh, ball den Pháirtí Aontachtach Daonlathach, imreoir agus taca de chuid na gcluichí Gaelacha, tugann sé freagra ar Ghaeil Uladh a bhfuil polaitiú déanta acu ar CLG. Is é a chum ‘Aontroim Abú’ (Cion, Coiscéim, 1991: 32) agus ‘Naomh Mearnóg,

Cumann Lúthchleas Gael’ ( Foilseacháin Ábhair Spioradálta, 2004: 9), dánta a chomóras taispeántas gaisciúil Fhoireann Shinsearach Iomána Aontroma i gCluiche Ceannais na hÉireann, 1989 agus comóradh bliana is fiche bunú club áitiúil de chuid CLG i gContae Dhuibhlinne, leith ar leith.