London has shown weakness with regard to direct rule

The government has been preoccupied with Brexit since before Sinn Fein brought down Stormont. Since then placating the Irish has been a top priority.

This is not hard to understand either, because Dublin will (in effect) decide whether there will be the sort of revision to the backstop that might get an EU Withdrawal Agreement through parliament. And the current Irish administration, under a veneer of liberalism and internationalism and enlightenment, is one of the greenest ever.

It has, at various times in its own way, made clear that it will not accept what some commentators call ‘British only’ direct rule. There would be a cross-border outcry from the nationalist spectrum if such rule from London is introduced.

So the British government’s reticence is understandable, but hugely problematic nonetheless.

First, it is amoral in its own right. Lack of ministerial control has greatly inhibited the ability of key sectors of public life to take crucial decisions. Our hospitals and schools is rudderless. Civil servants are put in the position of either taking controversial, political decisions, or taking no decision at all.

Second, it sends out a signal of weakness, both to Sinn Fein, who have abused mandatory coalition by bringing down Stormont, and to Dublin. The Irish government will never criticise SF for what they have done, and in tone it implies a joint stewardship approach to oversight of Northern Ireland.

Now the News Letter has revealed that Karen Bradley will under the terms of the NI (Ministerial Appointment Functions) (No. 2) Regulations 2019 receive a range of new powers.

This is further weakness. The government should bring in full direct rule, and make clear to republicans, and to Dublin, that political blackmail will not result in any constitutional movement, however subtle, towards joint stewardship.