Ben Lowry: Irish exceptionalism means that it can be so unfriendly towards Israel

​The phrase is based on ‘American exceptionalism,’ the idea that the United States is so great and unusual that it is an exception to the norms and rules of countries.

This label of exceptionalism, when applied to Britain after the UK left the European Union, implied that the 2016 Brexit vote was based on imperial delusions – that British people think they are better than everyone else because of their one-time empire.

The Irish premier Leo Varadkar has not, as far as I am aware, used the phrase ‘British exceptionalism’ but, like the Irish president, Michael D Higgins, he is prone to occasional scolding of Britain. Earlier this month Mr Varadkar said: “It does bother me to see the United Kingdom disengaging from the world – whether it’s reducing its budget for international aid, whether it’s leaving the European Union and now even talking about withdrawing from the European convention on human rights.”

While Mr Varadkar softened his comments by adding, “that’s not the Britain I know”, implying an affection for the British, he was still roundly criticised by many UK commentators who pointed out that, for example, Ireland is defended by the RAF. It has been so for more than 70 years under defence deals or understandings that have been largely secret presumably in part because it would be embarrassing for a country that proclaims its neutrality to admit that it cannot defend its own skies.

When you examine such defence capabilities, and attitudes to it, you see how much ‘Irish exceptionalism’ there is. The Republic of Ireland can buck norms that apply to other western or English-speaking nations and yet still enjoy a special relationship with the United States. It is not part of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance between Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK, and US – five countries that for a century have had a similar view on global affairs, forged in two world wars.

Eamon de Valera infamously paid his respects to Germany on the death of Hitler in 1945, but I always think it is worth using a timeline to show how contemptible that was. Sharp folk like Winston Churchill knew Hitler was trouble shortly after he took power in 1933, but others should have done by the time of the murderous Knight of the Long Knives of Nazi rivals in 1934 or at least by the time of the anti semitism of Kristallnacht in 1938. For the obtuse, who did not grasp the implications of the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1939, then Poland, or even Norway, the Low Countries and France in 1940, did they not notice the Nazi blitzes of Britain in 1941? The deranged invasion of Russia?

None of this, or then growing evidence of Nazi atrocities across Europe from 1942, altered the view of that anglophobe de Valera. As late as 1945 he seemed to think he was asserting his rigorous impartiality, gravity and statesmanship by recognising the demise of another European leader.

Influential Americans from Roosevelt to Eisenhower noticed such Irish war attitudes. In fact I have a theory that gratitude in London and Washington to Northern Ireland for having been part of the vital war effort helped create a situation in which Stormont was ignored and allowed to do its own thing, which ultimately led to a unionist complacency that damaged our place in the UK.

Even so, due to Irish exceptionalism, de Valera’s vile gesture did not much damage warm Irish-American relations.

The Republic is not in Nato. It will not even join the Commonwealth – in fact polls suggest its citizens still will not join that friendly association if it is a price for a united Ireland. Ireland was once part of the UK with full representation at Westminster yet it will not join the Commonwealth when nations that suffered codified racial discrimination under the empire like India do. Laughably, Ireland joined the French equivalent, the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie, when it is not even French-speaking.

The UK is a permanent member of the UN security council. It has taken leading roles in support of Ukraine and Israel in those country's darkest hours. President Zelensky said in the early weeks of the conflict when listing countries that supported his country: "Ireland – well, almost".

Only in the last couple of years has Ireland come anywhere near the UK in its foreign aid spending as a proportion of its wealth, and in defence it spends barely a tenth per capita of the UK. Yet when President Trump criticised European nations for not pulling their weight in defence expenditure I don’t recall him citing Ireland’s choice to live under British, American and Nato strength while declining to reach into its pockets.

​​Above all, Irish exceptionalism is apparent in its attitudes to Israel. It is one of the least friendly countries in Europe towards that small nation, yet Israel’s biggest ally, the US, never seems to care.

Ireland did not at first after October 7 call Hamas terrorist or emphasise Israel’s right to defend itself. It later did so, but soon put its focus back on the need for Israeli proportionality after the blackest moment for Jews in 78 years and pressured the EU to do likewise.

There are flashes of recognition that Irish exceptionalism can only go so far. In fairness the pro Russian voices in Ireland have not gained much traction.

It is said that Sinn Fein did not join the SDLP leader Colum Eastwood in issuing scathing criticism of Donald Trump on his 2016 election because they saw big support for Mr Trump in Irish America. Does such concern about middle American thinking help explain why, as our journalist Adam Kula reported this week, the party is divided in whether or not to call for the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador to Ireland to be expelled? Polling shows far more emphatic support in America for the idea that Hamas are terrorists even than in the UK, where more British people of all age groups agree than disagree with such a designation.

Despite all this, London puts pressure on Israel-friendly unionists to share power with republicans who hesitate to condemn Hamas, amid background hints of a greater say for Israel-unfriendly Ireland if they don’t.

• Ben Lowry (@BenLowry2) is News Letter editor