The question on everyone’s lips in Northern Ireland is, allegedly: When will devolution return to Stormont? I have doubts as to whether the Unionist population is really as committed to a return to devolution as political pundits suggest.
In the latest essay, DAPHNE TRIMBLE says that when the political landscape shifted to a DUP/SF led executive, responsibility for the Northern Ireland Memorial Fund moved to OFMDFM. A bitter pill for the board, of which she was a member, to swallow was the insistence from OFMDFM that they include perpetrators or they would cut all funding
Is the Prime Minister moving inexorably towards breaking point? She remains firmly committed to her controversial Chequers proposals for Brexit, while a number of Tories – including some ministers – are calling on her to abandon her plan.
In the latest essay in our series, the former assistant chief constable CHRIS ALBISTON asks if the Human Rights Commission sought to compel people to speak when the terrorist campaigns were in full flight? (see beneath the article for a link to the rest of the series):
Britain’s fatal error was not to challenge the EU’s position that the only way to avoid a hard border on the island of Ireland is for Northern Ireland to have the same regulations for trade as Ireland and the EU, writes BORIS JOHNSON in an exclusive essay for the News Letter:
Accusations of discrimination against Catholics by the unionist Stormont regime of 1921-72 have been a staple of nationalist politics, underlying the Good Friday Agreement and the aspiration for Irish unity.