Ben Lowry: Unionists lamented the exit of Julian Smith, a man who did lasting damage to unionism

The outgoing secretary of state was disastrous from a unionist point of view, for a few reasons.

Yet unionist politicians and commentators paid lavish tribute to him on Thursday, with some expressing tiny caveats (such as not always agreeing with him) and others expressing no caveats at all.

Yet Mr Smith has assisted the undermining of UK sovereignty in Northern Ireland more than any secretary of state since those around the time of the 1985 Anglo Irish Agreement, which unionists knew to be a calamity (from which they have never fully recovered).

Naturally nationalists were delighted with him, despite viewing successive Tory secretaries of state with contempt.

The unionist reaction to his sacking might thus have been one of joy, yet in fact they joined nationalists in fuelling the notion that his removal was an injustice.

Perhaps the single worst thing that Mr Smith did to anyone who believes in a Union which is under assault from multiple different angles was tear up the three strands.

The strands concept pre-dates the 1998 Belfast Agreement. Strand One is internal Northern Ireland affairs that are strictly a matter for Stormont. This, and the principle of consent (that sovereignty over NI would not change without majority support), was pivotal to unionist support for that agreement.

The deal was a big ask for them because it formalised an Irish dimension to politics here and established cross-border bodies.

The strands have been under strain for years, amid interminable crises at Stormont since 1998, that accelerated after Sinn Fein became the main nationalist party.

The notion that the UK can take back control when things break down (which is unsurprising in a system of mandatory coalition that must include a party that does not want Northern Ireland to exist) was already in peril in 2002. Devolution was in paralysis over IRA decommissioning, spying at Stormont and the Castlereagh break-in.

Even so, nationalist Ireland was furious when the then NI secretary John Reid returned power to London (where it would stay amid outrages such as Robert McCartney’s murder, the Northern Bank heist).

Yet after 2017, when Sinn Fein collapsed Stormont over RHI (also citing rights issues such as the Irish language, which would become the party’s unwavering red line for any return), London was determined not to bring in direct rule.

Even though they were propped up by the DUP, even though hospitals and schools were rudderless, successive Tory ministers would not utter any criticism of Sinn Fein.

Meanwhile, in appearances at sporadic inter-party talks, the NIO made clear that Simon Coveney had joint charge of the process.

Mr Coveney, who pushed for nationalist demands (Pat Finucane inquiry, release of dissident Tony Taylor, Irish language act, Irish Sea trade border), was not once contradicted by a UK secretary of state.

They failed even to hint that if Dublin kept pushing for one side of the community then they would show sympathy for the other (as the title of their party, Conservative and Unionist, suggests they might).

When Karen Bradley incompetently mangled a crucial point about UK forces preventing civil war in the Troubles and having overwhelmingly acted with restraint and integrity, and instead foolishly implied they never did any wrong, ever, she made grovelling apologies and promises of amends that have exacerbated the legacy imbalance crisis – yes crisis – against the said forces.

This blunder caused UK ministers to fall silent about legacy concerns, and to direct their comments only to veterans (when it is a wider problem, most affecting ex RUC).

The NIO approach of appeasing nationalism stepped up a gear when Mr Smith took office in July.

He dropped as an advisor Lord Caine, a man whose deep understanding of politics here included long experience of Irish over reach.

Something Lord Caine had previously blocked happened as soon as he left: the Taoiseach Leo Varadkar turned up at Hillsborough Castle without being hosted by a secretary of state and had the nerve to criticise the UK on property ultimately owned by the Crown.

The government was not even present to respond: a gross discourtesy and breach of protocol that got no criticism outside of this newspaper.

When Boris Johnson won December’s election, Mr Smith deepened joint British-Irish stewardship. He let the Irish government help draw up an extraordinary, comprehensive agreement that makes commitments that are purely within Strand One, ranging from the Gillen report on sexual abuse to nurse pay parity — popular causes, but complex issues that have far reaching repercussions.

When commentators said unionists never made demands in talks, I suggested in 2018 that they insist on a cross-party robust approach to dissident terrorism, including an overhaul of soft bail and sentencing.

Despite the sweeping nature of this Stormont paper, there was no such pledge, which would have been all the more timely given that the rest of the UK, like the rest of the western world, is demanding its citizens be protected from terrorists.

On seeing that Dublin had helped dictate a deal, unionists did not bury their differences and walk from the document on principle.

Perhaps the DUP, who have been so warm about Mr Smith, didn’t notice but he singled them out for blame during the stalemate. He would not have dared do that to Sinn Fein for its de-stabilising conduct (Mr Coveney also blamed the DUP and also failed ever to criticise Sinn Fein).

Perhaps the UUP, who were as warm about Mr Smith as the DUP, didn’t notice but he surprised everyone and delighted Dublin/republicans in the deal by promising rapid introduction of legacy bodies that the UUP above all identified as pro terrorist. (OK the UUP did notice that, and said so of the deal, but did not display disgust by going into opposition).

It was clear last night that nationalism is holding the incoming NI secretary Brandon Lewis to this.

Sinn Fein’s return to Stormont helped polish the republican image close to election day in Ireland.

The strand trashing would have set an appalling precedent if Mr Coveney stayed in post. If Sinn Fein take power in Dublin it will be even worse.

There was talk, comical in retrospect, that the prime minister would help unionists after his internal UK border Brexit betrayal. Instead, Mr Smith was allowed to facilitate Irish joint stewardship.

And yet apart from Jim Allister and Doug Beattie, the commentators Henry Hill and Owen Polley, and a few others, unionists rushed to lament the exit of a man who has done lasting damage to unionism.

• Ben Lowry (@BenLowry2) is News Letter deputy editor