Brian Walker: James Craig wanted Northern Ireland to work so he might in fact have welcomed a nationalist first minister

It is important to note that this statement was made in the 1930s. In the previous decade, however, there is evidence that, after the turmoil of the early 1920s, Craig adopted a conciliatory approach. Possibly he might then have accepted or even welcomed a nationalist taking a leading role in the new northern state.

One hundred years ago, on January 16 1924, Craig spoke at an event in Co Fermanagh. He expressed his hope that ‘both sides would meet in friendship and friendliness, and that they would live together to the good of their community’. However, tensions over the boundary commission thwarted such aspirations at this time.

But, following the winding up of the commission in November 1925, relations improved in the north. At Belfast City Hall on January 24 1926 Craig declared that ‘he wished well to the majority and minority… in Ulster and that the best of good fellowship, and friendly feeling among them would continue’.

He expressed his delight that Falls nationalist Alderman Oswald Jamison had been selected as the city’s high sheriff, and stated his belief that other members of the minority should come forward to take their part in public life.

Craig’s approach brought a positive response. On February 14 1926, Cardinal Patrick O’Donnell, Archbishop of Armagh, speaking at Keady, Co Armagh, declared: ‘What would have happened had the [Nationalist] members taken their seats from the beginning I am unable to conjecture. But what matters now is that the case be made in such a way as to be thoroughly understood, and that can be pressed by every legitimate means, with nothing but good will for our neighbour.’

A year later, at another event in Belfast City Hall, Craig said that ‘not only did peace reign in their midst, but Protestants and Roman Catholics were working together for the common good’.

On July 12 1927 an editorial in the Irish News observed: ‘a broader toleration is spreading, a kindlier feeling is growing up, a better understanding is helping to remove the ancient antagonisms and assuage the bitterness of years of conflict and controversy’.

Craig was a keen Orangeman but it can be noted that from 1923 to 1926 he did not attend July 12 demonstrations, probably reflecting a sense of his broader responsibilities as premier of Northern Ireland. On 12 July 1927, however, Craig returned to the ‘field’ and made a speech which would begin to change things.

His main concern was neither the south nor northern nationalists. Indeed, he praised the south, ‘our friendly neighbours’, and remarked respectfully that ‘Mr Devlin and his party are the natural opposition’. Instead he stressed the need for unionist unity and announced the government’s intention to abolish proportional representation (PR) in local parliamentary elections.

Unionists MP numbers had fallen from 40 in 1921 to 32 in 1925, due to the return of labour and independent members. The party was now threatened with independent temperance candidates, hence the need to abolish PR (which Fianna Fail would seek to do later in the south).

Abolition of PR at parliamentary elections was not aimed at nationalists but at labour and independent candidates. At the 1929 general election nationalist MP numbers actually rose from 9 to 10, while, crucially, figures for small parties and independents fell and unionist numbers increased.

Nationalists were very critical of the abolition of PR. The change did not reduce their numbers, but it served to remove the possibility of effective labour or independent MP allies. In 1932 a minority Fianna Fail party took power in the south with the aid of labour and others. With little influence in parliament Devlin and his party would feel frustrated with their minority position and their attendance at Stormont fell.

During the 1930s, politics and society in Northern Ireland became increasingly polarised. This was due to heightened conflict over economic and social problems and party dynamics, internal and external. It was also due to new north-south tensions.

Faced with the threat of party divisions and electoral loss due to the rise of unemployment in the 1930s Craig would now emphasise his Orange links. He attended the July 12 demonstrations in a different county each year to bolster unionist unity.

On January 22 1928 Craig declared that he was happy to say that ‘friendly relations existing between the Free State and themselves had been growing everyday’. In the 1930s, however, political, constitutional and religious developments in the south not only undermined these relations but also impacted on northern politics and community relations.

Under the leadership of Eamon de Valera, the southern state took up a strongly more anti-partitionist and confessional position than had been the case under William Cosgrave. De Valera denounced the border as ‘entirely artificial, fostered by British money and British influence in the alleged interests of ‘minorities’’. The 1937 constitution claimed all of Ireland for the Irish state. This approach greatly alarmed unionists and damaged north-south relations.

At a Dublin election meeting in February 1932 de Valera declared: ‘the majority of the people of Ireland are Catholic and we believe in Catholic principles. And as the majority are Catholics, it is right and natural that the principles to be applied by us will be principles consistent with Catholicity’.

In 1934 Craig spoke of a ‘Protestant parliament and a Protestant state’. We should note that his fuller comment read: ‘in the south they boasted of a Catholic state. They still boast of Southern Ireland being a Catholic state. All I boast of is that we are a Protestant parliament and a Protestant state’.

By the 1930s then Craig was no longer taking his conciliatory position of the 1920s. This reflected the sharp decline in unionist-nationalist relations in Northern Ireland and damaged north-south relations, as well as internal unionist conflict.

Undoubtedly, the idea of a nationalist first minister of Northern Ireland would have been strongly opposed by the older Craig. Perhaps the younger Craig would have seen the advantage of such a development for community relations and for Northern Ireland, although her staunch republicanism might have caused him concern.

He might have accepted or even welcomed this election by which republicans have accepted the reality of Northern Ireland.

• Brian M. Walker is Professor Emeritus of Irish Studies at Queen’s University Belfast. His recent books include A political history of the two Irelands: from partition to peace (2012) and Irish history matters: politics, identities and commemoration (2019)