Jeffrey Donaldson: The Windsor Framework does not go far enough to repair the damage to Northern Ireland and to restore Stormont. This is a time to hold our nerve

Our goal is to see devolution restored. We are continuing to engage in discussions with the government to try to bring about the fair and sustainable conditions that are necessary to get the Stormont assembly and executive functioning. However there needs to be a realisation by all sides that unionism will not be bullied or cajoled into accepting arrangements that entrench irreparable damage to Northern Ireland’s interests within the United Kingdom.

It is ironic that, in an article that the News Letter carried nine days ago (‘Framework is best way to get unionism’s ultimate objective,’ September 22), Lord Godson and Lord Bew question the merits of unionism staying out of Stormont when the revised arrangements they are so keen to endorse are the product of that very strategy.

We were initially told that renegotiating the Northern Ireland Protocol was impossible. Then we were told that change could only be advanced from Stormont. Both these arguments were myths that have long since been debunked by the pressure exerted by the DUP to bring matters to a head. We haven’t come this far to accept arrangements that fall short of what the prime minister promised to deliver.

Just because the Windsor Framework is the product of unionists standing together does not mean we are morally obliged to accept it. Nor should it mean that further progress is not possible. This a time to hold our nerve.

I am sure that Lord Bew and Lord Godson realise that depicting the republican movement – which attacked the democratic process with the bullet and bomb for decades – as somehow more tolerant and conciliatory than their unionist counterparts is not only insulting but entirely counterproductive. There is a clear distinction between Sinn Fein buying into political arrangements which administer British laws in Northern Ireland – arrangements to which they and their electorate have given prior consent – and unionists being compelled against their will to implement protocol arrangements that are just as, if not more, constitutionally significant.

In the same way that recognition of the political aspiration of a so-called united Ireland is integral to nationalism’s support for the devolution settlement, respect for the principle of consent and Northern Ireland’s economic place in the Union is a pre-requisite for unionists if we are to make any further progress. Irrespective of the position adopted by the courts, there is a real and present sense that the status quo is an attack on the economic rights of British citizens in Northern Ireland. Those concerns cannot be wished away.

The democratic deficit must also be restored. Arrangements should command broad cross-community support. Thus the suggestion that unionism must put concerns about the operational effectiveness of the Stormont brake on the backburner – and simply hope for the best – is simply not credible. Whatever is implemented going forward will not have a returns or exchange policy. This is not the time for trial and error. It is not the time for sticking plasters.

The noble lords appear to suggest that the European Union has had a road to Damascus conversion when it comes to respecting the aspirations of unionists – and that the EU will now be a facilitator, rather than an enforcer, of the rules restricting trade between GB an NI. Much kudos is given to the fact that Brussels has signed up to the UK/EU Political Declaration which talks about both sides working constructively to address the real issues affecting everyday life in Northern Ireland. However, we have heard this all before. Similar commitments were provided in Article 6 of the protocol itself but have since fallen by the wayside.

Why should any unionist entrust their future to what the EU has to say on the Windsor Framework?

The DUP is clear that a pathway to fully-functioning institutions at Stormont will only emerge if Northern Ireland’s position within the United Kingdom is protected in law – UK law. The UK government gave a commitment in the New Decade New Approach Agreement to protect Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market and this remains unfinished business. We do not believe Northern Ireland businesses that do not trade with the EU and only trade within the United Kingdom should be required to exclusively abide by EU laws. Greater flexibility is needed in the measures to be introduced, including in relation to the operation of the proposed green and red lanes.

Progress in these areas is possible. Within government there is now a belated but welcome recognition that our concerns are not only legitimate but integral to future political stability in Northern Ireland. Solutions, however, will not be advanced by the NIO or anyone else publicly disparaging our concerns or by painting the groundswell of unionist opinion as radical and belligerent. For some time now there has been an unsuccessful but corrosive campaign in certain quarters to erode our standing with the electorate. Every underhanded tactic in the political playbook has been deployed to this end. However we have not wavered in our objectives, nor will we.

It is crucial to put to bed the idea that the Joint Report agreed between Theresa May and Jean-Claude Juncker in December 2017 conceded the principle of alignment without conditions. That report was very clear – at our insistence – that ‘‘no new regulatory barriers develop between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom, unless, the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly agree that distinct arrangements are appropriate”.

It is there in black and white. It is therefore blatant revisionism for anyone to suggest that the Joint Report either made the betrayal of Northern Ireland’s economic and constitutional interests within the United Kingdom an inevitability or should make the DUP more predisposed to accepting that betrayal.

Moving forward, the DUP will continue to impress on the government the need to secure solid foundations for devolution in Northern Ireland. If not now, when?

There is a need for durable political arrangements which place devolution on a stable and sustainable footing not just today or tomorrow, but for the next generation. That means going that extra mile, it means finishing the job and ensuring the debris of the protocol is cleared so we can focus on building a more stable and prosperous future for Northern Ireland.

n Sir Jeffrey Donaldson is Lagan Valley MP and DUP leader