Owen Polley: The Independent Reporting Commission reports on terrorism have little value, but maybe that is the point of them

You would be forgiven for having forgotten, but in 2015 Stormont experienced another one of its regular crises.
Independent Reporting Commission Tim O’Connor, Monica McWilliams, John McBurney and Mitchell Reiss. IRC reports lack detail on IRA capabilities, writes Owen PolleyIndependent Reporting Commission Tim O’Connor, Monica McWilliams, John McBurney and Mitchell Reiss. IRC reports lack detail on IRA capabilities, writes Owen Polley
Independent Reporting Commission Tim O’Connor, Monica McWilliams, John McBurney and Mitchell Reiss. IRC reports lack detail on IRA capabilities, writes Owen Polley

In August, the PSNI confirmed that the IRA had killed its former member, Kevin McGuigan, during a feud. For a time, the DUP refused to work with Sinn Fein, with the result that power-sharing stalled.

Typically, when the negotiations to restore the executive began, it was the republican party that made the loudest demands.

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

It asked, among other things, for welfare funding from the Treasury and inquests into so-called state killings.

The government rewarded this brazen behaviour by brokering the ‘Fresh Start’ agreement, which contained most of what Sinn Fein asked for.

One section of that document, dealing with ‘ending paramilitarism’, at least reflected the origins of the crisis.

It included an agreement by London and Dublin to create a body that would “report annually on progress toward ending continuing paramilitary activity”.

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

This week, that organisation, the Independent Reporting Commission (IRC), published its fourth report.

Like the other three, it was a masterwork of evasion and prevarication.

As Jim Allister pointed out in a letter to this newspaper (‘Once again, no mention of IRA,’ December 8), the document avoided naming any of the existing paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland.

In its report the IRC provided a convenient disclaimer, pointing out that it is not an ‘operational body’.

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

Commentators who compare the commission unfavourably to the Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC), whose role was to “monitor ... continuing activity by paramilitary groups”, simply misunderstand its remit.

This excuse was ingenious.

It allowed the commission to report on the “progress toward ending continuing paramilitary activity” without providing the basic context in which that activity is taking place. However, it also raised fundamental questions about the effectiveness of the body.

While the commissioners drew attention to the limits of their remit in that respect, they issued recommendations rather than simply ‘reporting’. One of the characteristics of commissions, quangos and third-sector organisations is that their scope tends to expand over time.

Controversially, the IRC suggested that the answer to terrorism and criminality may involve, “engagement with ... paramilitary groups to bring about group transition and, ultimately, disbandment”.

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

Many critics felt that the implication was that the authorities must negotiate with armed organisations and give them money.

In its document, the commission recommended ‘investment’, highlighted ‘socio-economic issues’ and urged action on more integrated education and housing. It even commented on the effects of Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol.

There is nothing wrong, necessarily, with discussing these points in the correct context or linking them to social problems, including paramilitarism. The difficulty is that Northern Ireland already has a huge infrastructure of bodies producing an endless number of reports funded by public money.

They often raise similar ailments and, invariably, prescribe more government spending as the cure.

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

The publication of yet another, similar document provided little new insight specifically into the malign influence of paramilitaries on communities, their involvement in organised crime or the progress of the police in combating their activities.

Northern Ireland continues to struggle with active republican terrorism and the involvement of various ‘loyalist’ groups in drug-dealing and other crimes.

The security forces have never revised their view that the IRA retains a structure, weapons that have not been decommissioned and an army council that oversees both the paramilitary organisation and Sinn Fein’s political activities.

These are the specifics that should surely be explored by any serious report into ‘progress’ toward ending paramilitarism.

Which groups are still active?

What are they capable of?

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

How do they influence political and social life in Northern Ireland?

Is their authority derived ultimately from either implicit or explicit threats of violence?

The IRC’s reports do not come close to this kind of detail. If that failure is due to the limits of its remit, then the commission’s purpose should be questioned and the possibility of it being replaced or scrapped should be explored.

If you were cynical, you might suggest that the IRC was never supposed to be effective.

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

Perhaps, instead, the commission is simply a creature of Northern Ireland’s ‘peace process’ mentality. Maybe its logic is that too great a focus on paramilitarism, and particularly the activities of the IRA, might alienate republicans and destabilise power-sharing at Stormont.

The predecessor to which it is sometimes compared, the IMC, cast light on the activities and inner workings of terrorist organisations.

As a result, it was demonised by Sinn Fein — with Gerry Adams describing it as “three spooks and a Lord” — and eventually, it was disbanded by the British and Irish governments.

The IRC in contrast, gives the impression that paramilitary activity is being monitored and assessed, but there is little risk that it will actually uncover something inconvenient and disruptive.

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

Perhaps that is the point. But if so, are its reports really worth any more of our time and money?

• Other comment pieces below, and beneath that information on how to subscribe to the News Letter

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

• John Wilson Foster Dec 4: London is a cultural capital for the Irish

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

——— ———

A message from the Editor:

Thank you for reading this story on our website. While I have your attention, I also have an important request to make of you.

Hide Ad
Hide Ad

With the coronavirus lockdowns having had a major impact on many of our advertisers — and consequently the revenue we receive — we are more reliant than ever on you taking out a digital subscription.

Subscribe to newsletter.co.uk and enjoy unlimited access to the best Northern Ireland and UK news and information online and on our app. With a digital subscription, you can read more than 5 articles, see fewer ads, enjoy faster load times, and get access to exclusive newsletters and content.

Visit

now to sign up.

Our journalism costs money and we rely on advertising, print and digital revenues to help to support them. By supporting us, we are able to support you in providing trusted, fact-checked content for this website.

Ben Lowry, Editor