Sinn Fein attempt to de-stabilise Northern Ireland raises serious questions about the future of our political arrangements

In the wake of the Brexit referendum Gerry Adams once remarked ‘Never waste a good crisis’.
Arlene Foster, Robin Swann, Michelle O’Neill and Conor Murphy in January. Sinn Fein have used emotional terminology in their critique of UK policy and Mr Swann. Despite this, Mrs Foster and Mr Swann’s have been statesman-likeArlene Foster, Robin Swann, Michelle O’Neill and Conor Murphy in January. Sinn Fein have used emotional terminology in their critique of UK policy and Mr Swann. Despite this, Mrs Foster and Mr Swann’s have been statesman-like
Arlene Foster, Robin Swann, Michelle O’Neill and Conor Murphy in January. Sinn Fein have used emotional terminology in their critique of UK policy and Mr Swann. Despite this, Mrs Foster and Mr Swann’s have been statesman-like

The current Sinn Fein Leadership is seemingly following their predecessor’s advice by seeking to make political gain out of the unprecedented global disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic.

In their critique of both British government policy and local Health Minister Robin Swann, Sinn Fein have consciously used emotional terminology and innuendo.

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This is part of a strategy to deliberately stir up a tide of ethnic rage and a sense of victimhood within the nationalist community.

Letter to the editorLetter to the editor
Letter to the editor

Once this crisis has passed Sinn Fein will seek to make political gain out of this manufactured sense of grievance, both to de-stabilise Northern Ireland and cloak their major shortcomings as a credible party of government.

Both Arlene Foster and Robin Swann deserve tremendous credit for their continued statesmen like behaviour in the face of such brazen and premeditated acts of hypocrisy and provocation from their so called ‘partners in government’.

Last week’s statement from Sinn Fein minister Conor Murphy regarding ‘Irish Republican Easter Commemorations’ demonstrates the case in point.

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Firstly, there was no criticism of the republican funeral procession that took place in Ballinderry.

Secondly, at a time when his party are lecturing unionists about the need to prioritise human life over tribal politics, his statement concluded with a homage to the South Armagh PIRA ‘roll of honour’.

One can only imagine the outcry from Connor Murphy if a unionist minster had made such a statement regarding a deceased loyalist paramilitary or if the funeral in Ballinderry had been an Orange Order procession.

It should also be noted that if a civil servant in Mr Murphy’s department had made such an endorsement of paramilitarism, even on their personal social media, they would be subject to potential dismissal proceedings under the Northern Ireland Civil Service code of conduct.

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Despite this provocation political unionism must resist the urge to retaliate with harsh words or rash reactions. Both the DUP and Ulster Unionists should continue with their proven willingness to work with anybody for everyone, until the pandemic has dissipated.

However, It is also crucial that unionist ministers resist calls that the Irish Defence Forces should be given a token presence, alongside the British Army, as the latter begin to mobilise in the Province.

The level of emergency is not yet so great that the army needs assistance from the Irish military. Such an act would be purely political in nature, designed to appease the irresponsible behaviour of republicans, and their friends in the IRA Army Council.

Unless such assistance was formally requested as a result of cross community support in the executive, such a gesture however small, would imply joint authority.

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This would constitute a blatant violation of the principle of consent which is at the heart of both the Belfast/St Andrews Agreements.

Unionists also must not forget that as things currently stand an EU customs border in the Irish Sea is still the default position of the Tory government, whenever the Brexit transition period will now come to an end.

It must be remembered that this major violation of the principle of consent, and British sovereignty was achieved, at least partly, through the threat of civil disobedience and possibly violence against any attempt to introduce a land border.

These threats were implied not just by Sinn Fein but also by senior figures in the Irish government itself.

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When the body politic returns to normal in Northern Ireland serious discussions are needed amongst the unionist political parties about the future of the current political arrangements.

These discussions need to focus on two issues.

Firstly, how sustainable is the executive if Sinn Fein is continually allowed to flaunt the principle of collective responsibility.

Secondly, the need for unionism to produce a strategy on how to frustrate the implementation of any potential Irish Sea border.

Every unionist MLA should be prepared to publicly declare their intention to resign from the assembly should Westminster allow both undemocratic practices to continue.

Kirk McDowell BSc., Belfast BT5

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