Jamie Bryson: If voters elect a Boris Johnson government, the pro-EU liberal elite will have only themselves to blame

There are many in the loyalist community who have spent the past three years listening to those trying to thwart Brexit using the prospect of republican violence, and who will no doubt wonder whether political leverage for the nationalist and pro-EU lobby is being gained by the threat of violence.
The loyalist Jamie BrysonThe loyalist Jamie Bryson
The loyalist Jamie Bryson

These concerns led to significant signals emanating from within the loyalist community within the past week making clear there is a growing anger and frustration which could well boil over.

While these signals shouldn’t be ignored, let us be clear that no loyalist wants to go down that path.

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Loyalism supported the agreement and peace on a very simple premise — that the Union was safe.

That it was secure.

An imposed backstop, further involvement in the internal affairs of Northern Ireland by the Irish government or diverging from the rest of the UK could shake that fundamental premise underpinning the loyalist position.

The Belfast Agreement as a political text creates what is termed the ‘peace process’.

This contrived term is anti-oppositional.

It is framed in such a way that opposition suggests opposing peace, and thus being pro conflict.

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That is a linguistic manipulation designed to morally bind law abiding people to support for something which is fundamentally, in my view, immoral.

You can be wholly supportive of peace, as every sensible person must surely be, but be wholly opposed to the ‘process’.

A ‘process’ by its very definition must have a beginning and an end.

The beginning is the Belfast Agreement, the envisaged end within it is a United Ireland.

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The pathway to this conclusion of the process is all-Ireland harmonisation within the context of the over-arching European Union.

In recent times even some of those within loyalism who were the strongest advocates of the agreement have made clear they no longer support it and would not vote for it again.

That is welcome, but that position can not be reconciled with simultaneously opposing a North-South border.

It is not possible to leave the European Union as one United Kingdom, but for Northern Ireland to remain aligned on an all-Ireland basis.

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It is equally not possible to maintain the ‘process’ contrived harmonisation agenda if Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic are divided by a customs border.

It should be plainly obvious therefore that a no deal Brexit offers that last best chance to override the Belfast Agreement, if of course those who claim they erred in 1998 genuinely believe in rectifying that error.

We, as one United Kingdom, find ourselves in a tug-of-war over the very soul of our country.

Parliament, the judiciary and a pro-EU liberal elite establishment has lined up against the will of 17.4 million people.

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Parliament has sought to bind the hands of the prime minister and the Supreme Court has ruled he has acted unlawfully.

The problem for the establishment is this; if at a general election the people elect a Boris Johnson government then what does that say for the authority of Parliament and the Supreme Court?

They will have no one to blame but themselves.