Ben Lowry: This is a time for firm, not liberal, unionism in Northern Ireland

The charge was always simplistic and unfair but has been absurd for decades, yet is still merrily cited against unionism by its critics.

In fact mainstream unionists deserve the very opposite criticism: that they say yes to too often.

Or if not quite saying ‘yes’ then they are failing even to complain about concessions to nationalism. This has made it easier to impose disaster such as an Irish Sea border.

For years there has been debate about whether Northern Ireland needs a liberal unionist party. A decade ago I thought maybe it did.

Many voters in the greater Belfast area, who were culturally British but had no interest in the trappings of unionism, were clearly not voting at all (not unionist, Alliance or nationalist). But a lot has changed locally and globally in a few years. At home, many voters have begun to embrace Alliance.

There have also been forays into liberal unionism, such as Mike Nesbitt’s leadership of the Ulster Unionists and the launch of NI21.

The old problem with liberal unionism was that it seemed barely to exist. The new problem is that it does emerge but keeps falling into confusion on points of principle.

Over the years we have had, for example, an attempted UUP tie up with the SDLP — a noble endeavour that was unlikely to work. It would be hard for a unionist to find common ground with Colum Eastwood, who recently told MPs “the British state murdered Pat Finucane”.

NI21 veered towards designating as ‘neither’ (unionist nor nationalist) in the assembly which would have raised the question of how it differed from Alliance. After NI21 dissolved, one of its key candidates advocated joint authority — anathema to supporters of the Union.

In recent years the DUP has moved into some liberal territory.

It is all rooted in the theory that unionists face demographic decline and must change. That point has merit but have you noticed how often non unionists make it?

If unionists are following an unwise course for the Union, you would expect their opponents just to let them do it. But I think these opponents see that their cajoling can work, so that unionists pre-empt events and allow concessions.

In recent years some core nationalist goals have found at least a degree of unionist assistance, including talk of a border poll. There has not (yet) been unionist support for a united Ireland in such a poll but even that could come (on grounds that it is better to agree an all Ireland than to be forced into it).

There has been unionist acquiescence in the idea that we were all culpable for the Troubles, a slope that leads to an implied legacy baseline that terrorists and security forces share equal blame for past violence.

There has been unionist support for the long-term republican project of an Irish language act.

Also unionist support for robust ‘rights’ provisions in law that sound reasonable but were a republican Trojan Horse long before a leader of that movement admitted as much.

Unionist support for the de Souza campaign to end automatic UK citizenship (something that was not in the Belfast Agreement).

Unionist support for an exploitative take-take-take approach to UK money (that, as nationalists well know, undermines goodwill in England, and thus the Union).

Unionist tolerance of one of the most nationalist, interfering, partisan Irish ministers in decades, Simon Coveney (don’t be fooled by his warm speech at Queen’s on Friday).

Unionist support (not just acquiescence but active support) for an Irish Sea border, in all its iterations from Theresa May’s proposed version to Boris Johnson’s actual one.

Unionist acquiescence in the notion that Sinn Fein can get special treatment on just about everything, from a mass IRA funeral during a pandemic to collapsing Stormont until its gets its political demands.

For example, both the Ulster Unionist and DUP leaders, incredibly, paid tribute to Julian Smith when he was deservedly sacked as NI secretary. He tore up the strands, gave Mr Coveney joint control of the process and delighted Sinn Fein with a pledge to the legacy plan they badly want. At least one unionist MLA actually praised Mr Coveney.

There are, as far as I know, no unionists who support all concessions cited above. But all the concessions have at least one unionist supporter or at least a degree of acquiescence.

This notion that unionists must keep conceding things has been tested almost to destruction.

London and Dublin must be thrilled. They can placate nationalists and unionists will barely protest and might even support it.

Unionism is further vulnerable in that its MLAs are naturally keener to concede things that help keep Stormont going than are MLAs of a party that wants NI to fail.

There needs to be a party, group or movement focused on guarding the Union from often oblique assaults, and that exposes what is happening and challenges it.

But — and this is the tricky bit — such a movement has to seem generous, or at least not seem mean. It does not have to be liberal on social policies but should not be illiberal. Jim Allister is by far the most impressive MLA but only a fraction of voters share his fundamentalism.

And while such a movement should defend the primacy of the Union flag for as long as NI remains part of the UK, and parading rights, it should not adopt loyalist imagery.

Any such a movement will in effect be an opposition to Stormont. The Ulster Unionists could have had the role if they had rejected the Smith-Coveney Sinn Fein reward. It could yet secure majority support.

On BBC’s The View on Thursday two members of a panel that discussed unionism thought further rise in Alliance support to be distinctly possible. It might be. But there are perils for that party in things such as signing a letter alongside Sinn Fein demanding a probe into one Troubles killing out of 3,700, Pat Finucane, when republicans above all have questions to answer about the past.

The republican plan to gaelicise NI and to rehabilitate the IRA’s legacy might not be as successful as they hope, but if it is I anticipate voter unease in Alliance strongholds over joint stances with nationalism or perhaps a joint Alliance-Green-SDLP-SF government (if mandatory coalition is ditched).

Unionism has of course made errors. Some of us said in 2016 that Brexit was fraught with peril.

The tide in Northern Ireland is presently running against unionism and this column is not suggesting that it can be turned (as a full Brexit in NI partly sought to do).

But while unionism needs to be realistic that it probably cannot turn the tide, it should not actually join or hasten the flow.

l Ben Lowry (@BenLowry2) is News Letter deputy editor

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