Sam McBride: Brokenshire defined by '˜deadlines'

The word is in keeping with a managerial style of politics which saw him act as an emissary of the prime minister, giving little away about his own views or priorities.

Arriving in 2016 from being Theresa May’s protegé at the Home Office, his past work on borders and his pro-EU stance were seen as important attributes in a part of the UK which voted to Remain and which will share a land border with the EU.

But although Brexit has been a major issue during his tenure, it was the collapse of the longest unbroken period of devolution in Belfast since 1972 which has defined politics over the last year.

Mr Brokenshire bore no responsibility for the breakdown between Stormont’s two parties, but his response to the situation drew criticism.

Today marks a year to the day from the resignation of the dying Martin McGuinness as deputy first minister, triggering a period of acute political instability.

In attempting to prevent Northern Ireland erupting as a major crisis for a prime minister toiling on Brexit, Mr Brokenshire set ‘deadline’ after ‘deadline’ for the DUP and Sinn Fein to re-enter power-sharing; as each passed, he simply announced a new date until the point that he gave up on setting any deadline.

Now the two dominant parties are not even in talks aimed at restoring Stormont. That process eroded his credibility with the parties, who did not fear him, and with an exasperated public.

Yet, unlike every one of his predecessors who faced the collapse of devolution, Mr Brokenshire did not move to implement direct rule from Westminster.

That has resulted in a unprecedented purgatorial existence for Northern Ireland where there is no government but civil servants continue to run public services and either take political decisions or leave key decisions untaken.

If he had taken control of Stormont’s departments, Mr Brokenshire would have been able to at least give the ministerial rubber-stamp to civil servants’ policy recommendations.

But even in that scenario, there may have been limited change because for the most part Mr Brokenshire displayed the apolitical discipline of a civil servant rather than the enthusiastic belief of a conviction politician.

It may be that if his successor adopts an interventionist style and that exacerbates the situation, Mr Brokenshire’s approach will in hindsight be regarded as shrewd.

Unlike Mr Brokenshire, who inherited a stable Stormont even if he was being asked to negotiate Brexit, new Secretary of State Karen Bradley arrives at a point where there are limited expectations of Stormont returning in the near future.

She faces a perilous task. But in arriving at a point when everything appears to be broken it will be difficult for Mrs Bradley to be accused of making things much worse.