Paul Givan: ‘Time all shades of unionism acted with their head’

When a crossroads is reached, it can be tempting to look at the ease of navigating the first few steps without thought of where that path ultimately leads. But it is the ultimate destination that really matters.

People must decide which path leads us to a potentially better and brighter future and which leads us inexorably to territory that is fraught with danger?

The events of recent weeks have brought into sharp focus the fundamental choice that unionism has to make about the future. The egregious behaviour of Sinn Féin does not materially affect the calculation that unionists must make about the best way forward.

We have never taken decisions with a view to accommodating Sinn Fein and we do not do so now. The only consideration must be what is in the best long-term interests of Northern Ireland.

Highlighting the unfairness of the situation does not constitute a political strategy. Whipping up emotions is rarely the best context for long-term decision making.

Before we take decisions that could affect Northern Ireland for decades to come, we should pause to consider the long-term implications.

Ultimately, choices must be made between realistically available alternatives. Is there anyone who seriously believes that if we throw all the cards up in the air, what would emerge from the wreckage would be better than the present arrangements? Does anyone believe that our political opponents don’t get a say in the next move?

We must not allow understandable anger to cloud our decisions. This is not always a straightforward analysis and people of goodwill may differ. Such a determination will be informed by a range of subjective judgments and an assessment of how other actors will react, but we have the benefit of learning from the past.

We need not suspend our critical faculties in analysing the credibility of the alternatives that others set out. We must also make a realistic assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of our position.

Unionists have not secured more than 50% of the popular vote in an Assembly election since 2003, and by 2022 our share was in the low 40s. These facts matter. Northern Ireland’s existence depends on the consent of its people. And that means securing the support of people who do not choose to vote for unionist parties.

Some have suggested that the Assembly could continue to operate without an Executive, with Ministers appointed by Westminster.

Setting aside the fact that there is zero possibility of the Government legislating for such arrangements, they would not be in the best interests of unionism.

There is now a clear Sinn Fein, SDLP, Alliance majority in the Assembly and on the vast majority of issues they vote as a single bloc.

Unionism’s only protection against this coalition is the petition of concern which requires the support of other unionist parties which has not always been forthcoming. By contrast post St Andrews, the DUP has a veto over any important decisions taken by a Minister or the Executive.

Stormont has become a byword for delay, gridlock and indecision. But it need not be like this.

The reality is that DUP Ministers are delivering and making a real difference. Bizarrely, a motion the Alliance Party brought to the Assembly last week criticised me for moving too quickly with important reforms. You could not make it up!

In education, in just two and a half years we’ve made real progress. We have not just begun the most ambitious education reform programme in half a century but we have demonstrated how important it has been to have a DUP Minister in post when it comes to issues that matter to our supporters.

In 2022 childcare was a centrepiece of our election manifesto. I developed the Northern Ireland Childcare Subsidy scheme which has generated £26 million in savings for more than 20,000 working families.

Combined with Tax-Free Childcare, families have benefited from £56 million in support. We have created an additional 4,700 full-time pre-school places giving 65% children a full-time place.

In September – in the face of opposition from Sinn Fein and the Alliance Party – I was delighted to deliver on another DUP manifesto commitment and remove the outdated and unfair ‘socially disadvantaged’ criterion to ensure all children have equal access to the pre-school places in their local communities.

And most importantly, I am delivering my TransformED Strategy, which marks the most far-reaching education reform in decades, grounded in research, evidence and international best practice. It sets out a bold and ambitious vision to reshape education in Northern Ireland.

It is informed by international best practice and overseen by a panel of the world’s leading educationalists. The strategy represents a decisive shift in how we approach teaching, learning and equity in our schools.

We are not simply tweaking the edges of policy; we are reimagining the foundations of our education system to make us world-class once again.

Some people question whether this is needed, but the facts are stark, particularly the outcomes for Protestant and Unionist communities.

Across every measure, controlled schools, which predominantly serve these communities, are being left behind.

These disparities are not just educational statistics; they are a warning about the future of entire communities if we fail to act.

Catholic maintained schools consistently outperform controlled schools, even when comparing schools with similar levels of disadvantage.

In 2024/25, there was a 10-point gap in the proportion of pupils achieving 5 good GCSEs when comparing Catholic and controlled non-grammar schools.

Does anyone believe that this long-standing disparity is going to be resolved unless there is a Minister who makes it a priority? Are we simply to opt out and leave this to others?

I have used my office to ensure we protect our culture and our values. When collective worship in our schools came under threat from a decision of the UK Supreme Court, I acted decisively to make sure it remained part of school life.

I am quite sure a Direct Rule Minister or a Minister from some other parties in the Executive would have taken a very different approach.

And when others delayed, I moved swiftly to ensure that biological boys should not use girls’ toilets, should not use girls’ changing rooms and should not play competitive sports against girls. Again, this would not have happened without a DUP Minister.

Some of our opponents would have us walk away and leave these issues for others to decide. That would be a serious mistake for unionism.

There are those who criticise devolution but can offer no better alternative that has any prospect of being delivered.

At one level, the choice facing unionism is whether the deputy First Minister should resign and thereby precipitate the removal of the First Minister.

But at another level, it presents an existential choice for unionism and it is a critical debate for unionism to have.

We must ask whether we are seeking to pursue an approach which would be self-defeating when demographics are shifting and the population is changing, or do we seek to embrace a form of unionism and a strategy that will secure Northern Ireland’s place within the United Kingdom for as long as we can see into the future?

The former approach may feel more natural and comfortable to many, but it would be foolish to ignore the dire consequences of such an approach in the longer term. It is said that those who act in haste, often repent at leisure. But what then?

Undoubtedly, this has been a difficult few years for unionism. History will be written about decisions that were taken, or not taken, in the years to come, but for now we must chart the best available way forward.

To my mind, although the way forward involves difficult decisions, the choice is straightforward when measured against the available options.

This is a time for cool heads and not for knee jerk reactions. It is not a sign of strength to act in haste if the long-term consequences for the Union are damaging.

I do not for one second underestimate the anger that exists in the unionist community. I have no doubt that it is widespread as is the desire to punish Sinn Fein. I share it, but how do we react?

Do we take the easy or the right path? Do we court short term popularity or take decisions we believe are in the long-term interests of unionism and Northern Ireland?

It’s time all shades of unionism acted with their head and their hearts if they want to get what they want.

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