Owen Polley: Unionists must stay united against the disgraceful Northern Ireland Protocol

This was a sensible and appropriate initiative.

There are serious differences of opinion between the DUP, the UUP, the TUV and the PUP when it comes to policy, economics and social issues, but there is no reason that they cannot come together to oppose a blatant threat to Northern Ireland’s constitutional position.

Unionism is supposed to be about strengthening and promoting our place in the UK, irrespective of disagreements about everyday politics.

The disgraceful protocol is undoubtedly the biggest blow to the Union since the Anglo-Irish Agreement at least. But, arguably, the Home Rule crisis of 1912-14 was the last time that unionists’ British rights and freedoms were challenged so seriously.

The original covenant demanded the protection of our “cherished position of equal citizenship in the United Kingdom”, after the Liberal government tried to impose an all-Ireland parliament on unionists. It is that ideal of “equal citizenship” that is again under attack, because the protocol puts Northern Ireland on a different political and economic footing to the rest of the country.

Just days before the Declaration, the DUP leader Jeffrey Donaldson warned that Sinn Fein could top the poll at the next assembly election, if the unionist vote fragmented. He spoke about working with the UUP and the TUV to “return as many pro-Union, anti-Protocol MLAs as possible.” Doug Beattie, the Ulster Unionist leader, responded saying “there will be no pacts” between the UUP and other unionists.

You can understand his defensiveness. Ever since the St Andrews Agreement of 2006, when the law was changed so that the biggest party, rather than the largest designation, would take the first minister’s position at Stormont, the DUP has fended off possible opposition by raising the spectre of a Sinn Fein first minister.

In this case, though, Donaldson was not demanding a pact. The Northern Ireland Assembly is elected using the proportional Single Transferable Vote system. Unionists can ask their supporters to favour other pro-Union candidates with lower order preferences, so that votes are transferred between the anti-protocol parties. This kind of arrangement has been widespread before and created little controversy.

It is particularly important to maximise the unionist vote this time, for two reasons.

Firstly, if unionists perform poorly in the next election, which is due in spring (unless Stormont collapses first), nationalists and the Alliance Party will claim voters have endorsed the sea border that divides up the UK.

Secondly, if it is still in place by December 2024, which is within the expected lifetime of the next assembly, MLAs will get to vote on whether to renew or withdraw from important aspects of the protocol.

Doug Beattie’s party wants to distance itself from the DUP, which he claims offers “a backward, protectionist, power-driven vision focused on self-preservation”.

He thinks the UUP should become a modern, liberal alternative to unionist rivals who have struggled to come to terms with social change. That is a defensible analysis, even if it is not, by itself, a prospectus for better government in Northern Ireland.

The UUP also wants the electorate to blame the DUP for the protocol. This is based on some allegations that are fair and some assumptions that are not so reasonable.

The DUP certainly failed to use its influence in parliament to shape a favourable Brexit outcome for NI. And, despite the party’s recent attempts to claim otherwise (see Lord Dodds letter below), its then leader described a plan by Boris Johnson, which featured a regulatory border between GB and NI but not a customs border, as “a serious and sensible way forward”.

On the other hand, the DUP consistently repeated that its only ‘red line’ for an agreement with the EU was that NI should be treated the same as the rest of the UK. It did not vote for such a deal because Britain was never offered one. And it is difficult, even contradictory, for any unionist to deny that the party was perfectly within its rights to campaign for Brexit in a nationwide referendum and expect the result to apply equally to Northern Ireland.

Of course, there are serious and legitimate disagreements between the DUP, the UUP and the TUV over political issues and social attitudes. It’s also fair to say, though, that in Northern Ireland debates about policy are so impoverished that the differences between parties are often more about presentation than substance.

Unionism is certainly stronger when it can appeal to a wide range of voters who share a commitment to the Union but may have starkly different views on everything else. However, unionists cannot escape the fact that the protocol is the biggest threat to NI’s place in the UK for decades and will remain so for the foreseeable future.

Some years ago, there was a valid argument that constitutional issues could be parked for the time being, but that is resoundingly not the case now.

The unionist parties are as one in their opposition to anything that divides this province socially, politically or economically from the rest of the UK. They must make sure that there continues to be no doubt about this point, even while the assembly elections approach.

• Ben Lowry Oct 2: Unionism could make great headway lobbying in the United States

• Peter Robinson Oct 1: Doug Beattie should say to where he wants UUP voters to transfer

• Ruth Dudley Edwards Sep 28: President Higgins should say sorry for his NI centenary snub or resign

• Henry McDonald Sep 25: For all the gushing attitudes to the EU in Dublin, Brussels can’t rely on Ireland to help it with an EU army

• Lord Dodds: The DUP has consistently opposed any border in the Irish Sea

• Other articles by Owen Polley below, and beneath that information on how to subscribe to the News Letter

• Owen Polley Sep 27: The UK should stand up to the US without fear over Northern Ireland

• Owen Polley Sep 18: Dublin would be horrified if faced with an all-Ireland state

• Owen Polley Sep 13: Unionists still seem muddled about the harm done by NI Protocol

• Owen Polley Sep 4: Unionism needs leaders who set the agenda

• Owen Polley August 30: Even my critics do not claim Stormont is delivering good results

• Owen Polley August 21: Protocol is so serious unionists should rethink everything

• Owen Polley August 16: Devolution is a disaster for the Union and has always been

• Owen Polley Aug 9: Unionist response to appalling vandalism of Irish Sea border has been inadequate

• Owen Polley Jul 8: Irish Sea border is calamity yet unionist response to it is timid

• Owen Polley Apr 1: It is no surprise that funeral of IRA thug Storey escaped even a caution

•Owen Polley Feb 25: Northern Ireland is particularly prone to a lockdown mentality

——— ———

A message from the Editor:

Thank you for reading this story on our website. While I have your attention, I also have an important request to make of you.

With the coronavirus lockdown having a major impact on many of our advertisers — and consequently the revenue we receive — we are more reliant than ever on you taking out a digital subscription.

Subscribe to newsletter.co.uk and enjoy unlimited access to the best Northern Ireland and UK news and information online and on our app. With a digital subscription, you can read more than 5 articles, see fewer ads, enjoy faster load times, and get access to exclusive newsletters and content. Visit https://www.newsletter.co.uk/subscriptions now to sign up.

Our journalism costs money and we rely on advertising, print and digital revenues to help to support them. By supporting us, we are able to support you in providing trusted, fact-checked content for this website.

Ben Lowry

Acting Editor